Monday 16 March 2015

Volume II - Report (B. Planning Criteria)

continued




B. PLANNING CRITERIA




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I  HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

 

1. TRANSPORTATION PLANNING IN SYDNEY

1.1 Introduction

In the section of this Report dealing with Transport
Criteria we have emphasised the interaction between
transport and land use planning. Practicing what
we preach we have already attempted to integrate
the planning criteria with the transport criteria.

In the course of that journey we have drawn
extensively upon the County of Cumberland Plan (1951)
and the Sydney Region Outline Plan (1968). We have
referred to other important landmarks in tranporta-
tion planning in Sydney, including the Sydney Area
Transportation Study
(SATS) and the URTAC Report of
March, 1976.

The references to these documents are scattered. A
discussion of the more important principles from
each document may assist. They will be dealt with
chronologically.

1.2 The County of Cumberland Plan 1951

In 1945 the Labor Government established a Town and
County Planning Committee. Its task was to produce
a plan ‘regulating and controlling the use of land’.
The plan emerged three years later, in 1948.

It diagnosed the transportation sickness of Sydney
as arising from an excessive concentration of work
opportunities in the Central Business District (and
the Central Industrial Area). It also arose, in
part, from a number of scattered settlements on the
perimeter of the city.

It devised a strategy to deal with both problems.
First, it saw the need for decentralisation of
commercial and industrial activities. It identified

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16 suburban centres. It named 5 rural centres
besides. Each centre was to serve a district.
The districts were to be separated from each other,
where possible, by open space. The policy was one
of self-containment. A variety of opportunities,
commercial and industrial, were to be available to
the residents of the district, minimising the need
for travel outside the district.

Land suitable for development for industrial
purposes, separate but convenient to residential
areas ('living areas’), was set aside. The aim is
described by Winston (1):

"It may be said that the major intention
of the plan as regards industry is to
ease congestion and encourage efficiency
by helping the movement of factories
away from the centre, and to secure
economies of time, labour and money by
accommodating new industrial establishments
generally towards the outskirts of the
urban area on spacious sites within easy
reach of the suburban living areas. New
roads and railways were designed to help
these new arrangements to function properly."

The Plan imported the concept of 'a green belt’.
The concept had been employed in London, Paris and
Moscow. It is described by the Plan in these words (2):

"The green belt is a strip of open
country, of uneven width, surrounding
the urban districts and lying generally
on the outer fringe of the existing
built-up and partly built-up areas."

The green belt was to serve three purposes. First,
it was to set a limit to urban development. It was
to be a buffer against suburban sprawl. The second
purpose is described by Winston in these terms (3):

"..To bring fresh air and unspoiled
countryside within reach of as many
urban dwellers as possible."

1. Sydney's Great Experiment, Denis Winston, page 44.
2. County of Cumberland Planning Scheme Report, 1948,
   page 147.
3. ibid., page 45.

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Thirdly, it was to provide 'some farming and market
gardening close to the city markets' (4).

The planners were concerned to provide a civilised
environment for the population of Sydney. The
provision of a green belt would go part of the way.
There was, in addition, to be a 'green web' of open
space. It was to form an almost continuous
network stretching from Broken Bay, in the North,
to Port Hacking and Botany Bay in the South.

The plan substantially adopted the 'Main Roads
Development Plan
' published by the Department of
Main Roads in 1946. Corridors were established for
the later construction of expressways. The expressways
were to link the various suburban and rural centres.

Stretton describes the intentions of the planners as
'unusually good'. The plan had (and continues to
have) a powerful influence upon the development of
Sydney. Yet it, is termed 'a failure'. Its failure
can be traced to a number of things. First, it did
not (and could not) foresee the massive growth in
population brought about by immigration (5).

"The 1954 Census indicated that population
and land use grew at-about twice the rate
anticipated by the projections on which
the Plan was based."

The Plan presupposed a growth in population to 2,297,000
people by 1980 (6). That number was passed by 1961.
The population in that year was 2,390,535 (7).

The clamour for land within the green belt area
became deafening. It was aided and abetted by local
Councils and developers who thought the plan was
cumbersome straight-jacket which they could well do

4. Ideas For Australian Cities, Hugh Stretton,
   page 239.
5. A Discussion Paper of Transport Planninq in
   Sydney to 1975, Rattray and Sinclair, page 24.
6. Winston ibid., page 81.
7. Technical Bulletin No. 8, page 65.

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without. Before 1959 the Minister twice suspended
the Plan to release parcels of green belt land. In
1959 the suspension became general. The Plan was
‘overruled'. Some 50 square miles of green belt
were released.

The Plan depended for its success upon the co-opera-
tion of local councils. They were to produce their
own follow-up schemes in which they planned in detail
the development of their area. The Councils were
reluctant. In many cases they did not have the
expertise to carry out the task. In most cases they
lacked the will. In the result, they failed to
produce their own plans.

It is said the plan was too rigid. It could not
accommodate the population changes which it failed
to foresee. Its successor, the Sydney Region Outline
Plan
, sought to meet that objection by adopting a
different approach.

1.3 The Sydney Region Outline Plan

The State Planning Authority was formed in 1963.
It published in 1968 the Sydney Region Outline Plan.
Unlike the County of Cumberland Plan it did not
concern itself with the detail of land use. It was
a statement of principles and objectives. It was an
attempt to deal with land-use strategy for the 30
years to the end of the Century.

The problems evident in 1946 when the Town and
Country Planning Committee began its work were still
present. Indeed, they were more pronounced. The
magnetism of the Central Business District, and its
continued growth, condemned a large segment of the
population to long journeys each day. Worse, it
condemned the suburbs in-between to severe traffic
problems.

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The recipe was similar to the Cumberland Plan,
although the green belt concept was jettisoned.
What was needed was the minimisation of the need
to travel.

First, the Outline Plan sought to promote regional
self-containment. It identified a number of strate-
gies. Some were positive and some were negative.
Some were designed to create a magnetic field,
attracting industry and commerce in the suburbs.
Others were designed to weaken the magnetism of
Central Business District (and, for that matter, the
Central Industrial Area). Amongst the objectives
were the following (8):

"4. Ample, well located industrial land
    should be available.

The plan must have regard to the
need for a plentiful supply of good
industrial land, well located on
the communications system in relation
to ports and intrastate and interstate
outlets...

8. A wider and more balanced distribution
  of commercial activity should be
  established so that over concentration
  of employment in the metropolitan centre
  can be avoided.

As in many other large cities, the
journey-to-work problem, created by the
high level of employment and other
activities concentrated in the heart of
the city, is a most difficult problem
to solve...Over concentration of employ-
ment growth within the metropolitan city
centre should be avoided and a wider and
more balanced distribution of commercial
activity achieved."
               (emphasis in the original)

With these objectives in mind, the plan fashioned
following precepts (9):

"3. The principle of new cities each with
    individual identity and with the widest
    possible range of employment and social
    facilities.

8. Sydney Region Outline Plan (SROP), page 11.
9. SROP pages 15 and 17 respectively.


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This principle is adopted with the
aim of creating new cities instead
of continuous suburbs, minimising
journeys-to-work, and encouraging
civic consciousness and interest..
This was one of the underlying
principles of the County of
Cumberland Planning Scheme and is
continued in the new Outline Plan.

7. The principle of creating strong
   new commercial centres to secure a
   more balanced distribution of
   commercial activity and employment.
The biggest single urban problem in
the region is the great and increas-
ing concentration of employment in
the metropolitan city centre...A
basic principle of the Outline Plan
is to encourage the development of
a limited number of large new
commercial centres offering substan-
tial employment opportunities, more
particularly office employment."
          (emphasis in the original)

Two major regional commercial centres were nominated,
Parramatta and Campbelltown. It was anticipated
that the population expansion would occur in the
Western and South-Western regions. These regions
could look to those centres rather than the Central
Business District to service their commercial needs.

There were also to be four town centres: Blacktown,
Mount Druitt, Penrith and Camden. Chatswood was
nominated as an important new employment centre on
the North Shore.

These were the positive inducements to decentralisa-
tion of employment. There were, in addition, the
‘negative’ strategies designed to neutralise the
Central Business District (and North Sydney). First,
there was to be restraint (by various means) on
further growth of the metropolitan City centre and
the North Sydney Commercial Centre. Secondly, the
road system was to make a contribution. The principle
was expressed as follows (10):

10. SROP, page 15.

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"2. The principle of a highway grid
    aimed at reducing the dominance
    of the radial pattern focused
    on the metropolitan city centre.

It is envisaged that the regional
highway network will, as far as
possible, pass between individual
urban areas in landscaped corridors
or parkways."

The first strategy adopted, therefore, to minimise
the need for travel was one of decentralization.
The second strategy emerges from the following
principles (11):

"1. The principle of linear extension
    along communications corridors
    with high intensity activities,
    such as commercial and industrial
    centres, and universities, located
    on the rail system where possible.

The main railway lines to Melbourne
(via Campbelltown), to Newcastle,
and to the Blue Mountains, provide
an existing skeleton on which this
concept can be built..New commercial
centres, new industrial areas, and
tertiary education centres have been
located on the railway lines in these
South-West and West sectors.

4.  The principle of phasing urban
    expansion to fully utilise existing
    communications and public utilities
    installations and to promote their
    orderly and economical expansion.

A far greater level of public invest-
ment in communications and public
utilities will be necessary in the
future. This is partly to make good
the backlog due to inadequate invest-
ment in the past and partly because
the scale and pace of growth will be
greater than in the past... "
          (emphasis in the original)

The second strategy sought to take advantage of the
existing transport infrastructure (whether road or
rail) and to maximise the chances of the population
resorting to public transport rather than their cars.

11. SROP, pages 15 and 16 respectively.

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The plan has been criticised. It is said (12) that
water and sewerage services were given the greatest
role in determining the location of new developments.
Transportation proposals were significantly sparse.
The explanation is provided by the Planning and
Environment Commission in its submission to this
Inquiry (13):

"Although the desirability of integrating
land use and transport proposals was
fully recognised by the Authority, it
was unfortunately not possible to under-
take a comprehensive transport study
simultaneously with a preparation of
the Outline Plan. The Outline Plan
dealt primarily with land use and
particularly with the location and
phasing of new urban development on the
periphery of the metropolitan area. Due
to lack of information, it was not able
to deal in any depth with the transport
policy."

The Sydney Area Transportation Study (published in
1974) was designed to fill that gap. Like the
Outline Plan, however, it overestimated population
growth. Since the growth was to be largely accommo-
dated in the Western and South-Western regions, it
is of significance to this Inquiry. The Inquiry is
enjoined to consider a regional road link between
the Central Industrial Area and the Western and
South-Western regions of Sydney. The discrepancy
between the projections and the reality (so far as
it has emerged to date) can be appreciated from the
following tables. The first table (table 22) is
taken directly from the Outline Plan (14):

The Sydney Region Outline Plan presupposed a popula-
tion level of 450,000 in the South-Western sector
shared between Campbelltown (340,000), Camden
(100,000) and Appin (60,000) (15).

12. Rattray and Sinclair ibid., page 29.
13. Submission S.K/C 947 Planning and Environment
    Commission Attachment A 'The New South Wales
    Planning and Environment Commission’s Role and
    Functions: The Regional Context’, page 10.

14. SROP, page 24.
15. SROP, page 16.

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TABLE 22.

POPULATION PROJECTIONS SYDNEY REGION OUTLINE PLAN

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA
POPULATION
1966
GROWTH
1966-2000
POPULATION YEAR 2000
Baulkham Hills
38,500
255,000
290,000
Liverpool
68,910
81,000
150,000
Campbelltown
25,700
295,000
320,000
Camden
8,660
95,000
105,000
Penrith
46,330
160,000
205,000
Windsor
13,280
70,000
85,000
Wollondilly
11,340
80,000
90,000
Colo
6,050
-
10,000

Reproduced below is a further table derived from a
Discussion Paper issued in September 1979 by the
Planning and Environment Commission. To indicate
the pace of population growth it includes the 1966
and 1976 Census figures. It gives the medium project-
tion by the Planning and Environment Commission for
the year 2001.

TABLE 23.

POPULATION PROJECTION MADE IN 1979 BY THE
PLANNING AND ENVIRONMENT COMMISSION

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA
CENSUS
1966
CENSUS
1976
MEDIUM PROJECTION 2001
Baulkham Hills
33,508
77,400
100,000
Liverpool
68,999
91,700
112,000
Campbelltown
25,707
53,700
151,000
Camden
8,661
14,900
34,000
Penrith
46,361
18,800
113,000
Windsor
13,301
18,550
21,000
Wollondilly
11,408
15,150
19,000
Colo
6,662
10,750
16,000


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The contrast between the projections of the Sydney
Region Outline Plan and those now suggested as more
appropriate by the Planning and Environment Commission
emerges from the following table. The table simply
combines the last column in each of the preceding
tables (Tables 22 and 23).

TABLE 24.

COMPARISON BETWEEN POPULATION ESTIMATES

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA
SROP 2000 PROJECTION
PEC 2001 PROJECTION
Baulkham Hills
290,000
100,000
Liverpool
150,000
112,000
Campbelltown
320,000
151,000
Camden
105,000
34,000
Penrith
205,000
113,000
Windsor
85,000
21,000
Wollondilly
90,000
19,000
Colo
10,000
16,000

We should emphasise that we have selected at random
a sample of Local Government Areas. They do not
constitute the whole of the Western or the South-
Western regions.

A further criticism is offered by Stretton. The
Outline Plan was strong on rhetoric and weak on
specific strategies which might, achieve its worthy
aims. He said (16):

“But nothing new is proposed to beat the
old centre’s gravity, to disperse its
employments, to overcome the inherent
weaknesses of cluster plans, to desegre-
gate the population, or otherwise to
bring ‘subordinate city' into being."

He goes on (16):

16. Stretton ibid., page 250.

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"..The Report proposes that ‘steps be
taken' to develop (a new commercial
centre); steps which 'will require
comprehensive planning and redevelop-
ment calling for boldness, imagination,
vigorous action, and the utmost co-
operation from local interests, the
local council, and others concerned,
if it is to succeed'. But the Report
does not say what these steps should
be. It is as if after 5 years' reflec-
tion the chef called on the diners to
supply a bold recipe, and imaginative
ingredients, and expert cooking. In
truth these planners are no better
supplied than the old ones were with
staff, resources, or any official or
public willingness to co-operate in
putting the quality of Sydney's life
ahead of what the Report repeatedly
calls it 'primacy'."

Though the Outline Plan aimed at furnishing a
strategy to the year 2000, it soon required revision.
The revision is underway. Its nature and purpose is
described by the Planning and Environment Commission
in these terms (17):

"The (Outline) Plan was primarily
concerned in dealing with Sydney’s
rapid urban expansion and few policies
directly related to dealing with
existing urban areas. The review of
the Outline Plan and the Botany Bay
Sub-Region Strategy Plans, now in
preparation will address problems of
existing urban areas and change."

We may soon hear more about policies of urban
consolidation .

1.4 The Commonwealth Bureau of Roads 1973

The freeway controversy reached fever pitch in the
early 1970s. It had been fuelled by the publication
of a succession of transportation studies. The
Adelaide Transportation Study was completed in 1968.
It recommended a network of urban freeways. The
Melbourne Metropolitan Transportation Study was
published in 1969. It likewise recommended an

17. S.K/C 947 PEC Submission Attachment A On The
    Role and Functions of the Commission, page 6.

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extensive network (307 miles) of freeways. The
Perth Regional Transportation Study appeared in
1970. The recommended recipe was no different.
The Sydney Area Transportation Study was then
underway. It ultimately appeared in early 1974.

In this context the Commonwealth Bureau of Roads
(now the Bureau of Transport Economics) formulated
its stand on the issue. It did not disown freeways.
It thought they had a clear role in the urban
context. It sought to limit that role, however,
to certain situations. It summarized its views in
the following five paragraphs (18):

(a)    “Urban freeways are selected arterial
   roads in urban areas which, by the
   restriction of access and the absence
   of all at-grade intersections, provide
   for the rapid movement of large
   quantities of goods and large numbers
   of people free of conflict and, there-
   fore, more safely than other arterial
   roads.

(b)    Freeways are needed in urban areas
   where they can provide for the pre-
   sent and future movement of goods
   and people more safely and at lower
   overall cost to the community than
   on free access or even limited access
   arterial roads.

(c)    They are also needed where they can
   remove traffic from other arterial,
   sub-arterial and local residential
   roads or streets so that these roads
   can carry out their correct function
   of distributing goods and people, and
   thus not become hazardous nor be
   barriers to community activity.

(d)    Urban freeways must be located, and
   their design and construction such,
   that in the long term the attributes
   of the communities through which they
   pass and which they serve are improved.
   Furthermore, any likely adverse
   impacts of freeways on the communities
   should be reduced to a minimum.

(e)    Urban freeways and public transport
   should be complementary and they should
   contribute collectively to the total
   transport system."

18. Report of Roads in Australia, Commonwealth Bureau
    of Roads 1973, page 70 (paragraph 6.1.30).

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It then recommended a strategy. It subdivided the
metropolitan area into:
  • the outer suburbs
  • the area stretching from the
    middle to the outer suburbs
  • the inner suburbs
It expressed its view on the role and function of
freeways in each sub-division (19). An abbreviated
form of that exposition appeared in another Study
in the following year. It is reproduced below (20):

(a)    “In Outer Areas
   Freeways should follow a grid pattern.
   They should move traffic around the
   built-up area.
   They should provide links between
   sub-regional centres or systems
   cities.

(b)    In Middle to Outer Suburbs
   Freeways should be encircling or
   pass freeways.
   They should separate inter-suburban
   traffic from local traffic.
   They should provide fast routes for
   goods and passenger transport to by-
   pass inner suburbs and the C.B.D.

(c)    In Inner Suburbs
   Radial freeways should not be provided
   for work trips to C.B.D.
   There may be justification for freeways
   in these areas for moving large volumes
   of traffic, particularly heavy commercial
   traffic around or away from C.B.D. or
   its adjacent suburbs."

It made the following further comment concerning
freeways in the inner suburbs (defined as anything
within 5 miles of the Central Business District) (21):

"In inner suburbs, freeways require such
a high proportion of the space available,
and create so many adverse effects on
the residents and occupiers of these
areas, that these adverse impacts

19. ibid., paragraph 6.131.
20. Assessment of Freeway Plans, State Capital Cities
    1974, Commonwealth Bureau of Roads, page 27-28.
21. Assessment of Freeway Plans, State Capital Cities
    ibid., page 23, paragraph 2.14.

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frequently outweigh any potential
advantages and the possibility of
improving the amenity of the area
through which they pass is limited."

It is now clear that there is simply not enough
money to embark upon an extensive freeway network
within the urban area, even if that were thought
appropriate.

1.5 The Report of the Urban Transport Advisory Committee
    (URTAC) 1976

The Report was released by URTAC in February 1975.
It marked a departure from the strategy embodied in
the Sydney Area Transportation Study published two
years earlier. It is introduced by these words (22):

"It is clear that a huge outlay of
funds would be required to cope with
all the increasing demands for improved
transport facilities. Experience over
recent years indicates that funds are
unlikely to be available on this scale.
We have therefore formulated a programme
which is designed to improve what we
have got
rather than recommend a
programme which, while spectacular in
concept, would be incapable of achieve-
ment in practical terms."
                        (emphasis added)

It made a number of recommendations. The first
is paraphrased by the Department of Main Roads in
these terms (23):

"The continuation of traffic management
techniques coupled with minor construc-
tion works to optimise the capacity of
existing road network."

The strategy, in this respect, is the same as that
pursued in the United Kingdom. In a policy document
published in December, 1977 the following appears (24):

22. URTAC Report, February 1976, page 1.
23. Submission S.K/C 340 DMR July, 1979, page 2.
24. Town Traffic in Britain, page 1.

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"..New urban roads are expensive to
construct and not always practical,
particularly in older towns where
they might involve unacceptable
changes in a town's character and the
destruction of historic buildings.
Consequently the emphasis in transport
planning is on making the best use of
existing streets and improving the
quality of public transport. "

And again later in the same document the following
is said (25):

"Although the construction of some new
stretches of road or road improvements,
especially at junctions, will have to
be undertaken on grounds of safety, to
meet the needs of local industry and
commerce, or to ease pressing environ-
mental problems, the Government believes
that, in general, local authorities
should concentrate on making the best
use of existing road space
by applying
comprehensive traffic management measures,
which can be expected to include parking
controls and bus priority projects."
                             (emphasis added)

Secondly, the URTAC Report outlines three principles
to guide 'long term objectives' for the road network.
The principles are (26):

"(a)    The development of cross-regional
   routes where it is unrealistic to
   expect major public transport
   facilities other than buses to be
   provided, even in the long term.
(b)    The development of routes which
   re-direct the growth of traffic
   from the Central Business District
   to major regional centres, for
   example Parramatta.
(c)    The development of arterial roads
   to by-pass the major regional
   centres."

The principles are similar to those in the Sydney
Region Outline Plan. They seek to stem the growth
of the Central Business District. They seek to

25. ibid., page 3.
26. URTAC Report supra, page 11.

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promote regional centres. They aim to avoid the
unnecessary duplication of rail and road facilities.
Such facilities ought to be complementary. They
should not be in competition.

A number of recommendations were made concerning
public transport. The system was to be upgraded.

Rolling stock was to be replaced. The underlying
philosophy was (27):

  •  “Diversification of public transport
    away from C.B.D. orientation.
  • Capitalising on the latent capacity
    of the public transport system."
The strategy, overall, has been described by one
commentary in these words (28):

"The Report adopts what appears to be
a rather courageous move away from
the capital intensive freeway program
recommendations of earlier studies.
Its new emphases, however, do have a
pragmatic basis and reflect an increa-
singly financially constrained works
programmes being adopted by departments.
It recognises the considerable scope
for improvement using the existing
transport system opting for improvement
and full utilisation of existing services
rather than the initiation of new
projects, the deferral or cancellation
of particularly expensive projects and
a strong emphasis in funding and
attention to public transport."


2. TRANSPORT CORRIDORS

2.1 Historical Introduction

The County of Cumberland Planning Scheme provided
a detailed land use strategy for Sydney. Part of
that detail was a network of roads. The network,
as we have said, was substantially derived from a
'Main Roads Development Plan' published in 1946 (29).


27. Rattray and Sinclair ibid., page 36.
28. Rattray and Sinclair ibid., page 35.
29. County of Cumberland Planning Scheme Report
    1948, page 162.

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The network was lavish. Given the restraint upon
funds, and the change in emphasis, there can be
no doubt that many of the roads will never be
built. The extent of the network is described by
the Planning and Environment Commission in the
following passage (30):

"As part of the longer term transport
and traffic planning aims for the
region, the Department of Main Roads
earmarked corridors for construction
of future freeways and roads. A total
of 140 reservations and widenings were
proposed throughout the Sydney Region
affecting in excess of 10,000 properties
and 3,000 buildings. Several of these
routes affected the inner area."

The Sydney Region Outline Plan preserved the
corridor concept as a means of insulating land
which may be necessary for a public utility in the
future. It formulated the following principle (31):

“5. The principle of establishing
    special "open" corridors for
    movement which will include
    extensions to public utility
    services."

In amplifications of this principle it said (31):

"Thus it is not only necessary to safe-
guard the future extension of the
communications networks, but it is
also desirable to make provision in
the future urban pattern for the
possible extension of public utilities
and other movement networks in a
satisfactory and economical manner.

The Outline plan therefore defines
special corridors wide enough to
facilitate the grouping and orderly
extension of these networks."

2.2 URTAC Report of March 1976

The matter was reviewed in the 1976 URTAC Report (32).
The alternatives were considered. They were:

30. Sydney's Inner Area: A Study of Six Inner
    Municipalities January 1980 PEC, page 78.
31. SROP ibid., page 16.
32. URTAC Report ibid., page 40-41.

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  1. The existing procedure constitutes
    one of (the) alternatives and in
    general terms, involves the establish-
    ment of a system of declared corridors
    based on very long-term planning.
    Properties that are affected by these
    corridors are acquired, as necessary,
    in advance of construction. ..
  2. The other basic alternative would be
    to forego the declared corridor
    concept and acquire property only as
    required for immediate construction
    programmes.”

The Report concluded its brief review with these
remarks (33):

"After examining the issues, the
committee considers that the concept
of declared transport corridors should
be retained. However, it also considered
that the existing network corridor
reservations for both road and rail
should be the subject of a comprehen-
sive review and rationalisation. Where
it is now known that road and/or rail
developments will not proceed in some
corridors, these should be deleted from
the declared network and affected and
acquired properties released. Further-
more, in reviewing the network of
declared corridors that is to be main-
tained, estimates of the time of likely
future construction should be made public."

In 1977 the New South Wales Government announced the
abandonment of some of the proposed inner city
expressways, including:
  • the reservations for the inner
    section of the Western and North-
    Western freeways
  • the reservation for the Southern
    freeway (F6) on the city side of
    Huntley Street (i.e., the northern
    extension between Huntley Street,
    Alexandria and Ultimo).
  • the Eastern Freeway (F7) corridor
    from Taylor Square to Bellevue Hill
    was released.
 
33. URTAC Report ibid., page 41.

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Since that time the State Transport Study Group has
undertaken a corridor review. It has recommended
the release of certain other corridors where road
development is now thought undesirable or unlikely.

2.3 The Concept of Declared Corridors

There are advantages and disadvantages in retaining
transport corridors. It is beyond the scope of this
Report to resolve the dilemma between the desirability
of retaining corridors, even though some of them
may not be needed for many years, and simply
acquiring property as it is needed. The issue is
raised in the proposed Warringah Freeway Inquiry
which is scheduled to commence in 1981. A portion
of the Warringah Freeway corridor was released by
the New South Wales Government. It is suggested
that it should be revived. The advantages and
disadvantages of its presence will need to be
carefully weighed.

Certainly, there are advantages in having a corridor.
The public wants open government. It wants open
planning. People then know where they stand. If
a corridor is proposed for the first time they are
given the opportunity of objecting. If it is
already present, their enquiries at the time of
property acquisition should reveal its presence.

There are also obvious advantages in the timely
declaration of a corridor where development has
not yet taken place. An example is furnished by
the following passage (34):

"The tram route (in Adelaide) follows the
Hodbury transport corridor designated in
the Town Planning Committee Report of
1962; in the study area the majority of
the corridor consists of a bank of
undeveloped land running through residen-
tial areas. Sub-divisions have been
designed around the existing corridor
reserve, which has physically divided

34. Evaluation of the Severance Effects of a
    Proposed Rapid Transit Corridor, M. Braddock
    5th ATRF Forum Papers, page 173.

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the community since development first
started. Community severance and new
psychological severance is therefore
unlikely to occur."

The advantages of a corridor within a built up area
are less obvious.

There are also disadvantages. They are not to be
underestimated. First, the corridor represents the
planner's view of the future transport needs at one
moment in time. The transport needs may change by
the time a road is required. The corridor may not
be where the road is needed. Secondly, a corridor
superimposed upon a developed urban area is bound
to cause considerable hardship. 'Planning blight’
will afflict the area affected by the corridor.
URTAC expressed the matter in this way (35):

"Property owners are reluctant or unable
to develop or redevelop their properties
even though construction may be more
than 20 years away. As a result, the
effected properties are often allowed
to run down to the detriment of the
adjacent community."

There are examples all over Sydney. It is possible
to drive down certain roads and discern at a glance
where the corridor runs. The houses on one side of
the road are nicely kept. On the other side they
are dilapidated, in need of a coat of paint, and
generally unkempt.

There are many poignant examples before this Inquiry.
The evidence of Mr. Norman Oswald, a resident of
Rockdale affected by the Harrow Road alternative
to the Bexley Road option, is one (36). Mr. Oswald
has been substantially robbed of the enjoyment of
his property by the threat of its future demolition
for the purposes of road building work.

35. URTAC Report 1976 ibid., page 40.
36. S.K/C 824 See transcript 9/10/79, Pages 1-34.

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There are many other examples. The following
submission is from a resident of Waterside Crescent,
Earlwood (37):

"In 1950 I purchased my home at the
above address having made sure, through
my legal representative, that there
were no claims whatever from the
various public bodies. However, within
one year a road was proposed...
This being the case, for the last 27
years (the corridor) has caused me
great hardship as no approval could be
obtained from Council to make extensions
to my home for family reasons. Faced
with the problem I tried to sell my home
with the result that no lending body
would loan money to prospective buyers
unless a sale was made at a very great
loss to me, which would not pay for
another home.”

Another resident made a submission in these terms (38):

"..I find that since the death of my
husband five years ago it is becoming
increasingly difficult to look after
my home, which is a large one. The
land is really a double block and needs
a great deal of time spent on it..and
there is only my 13 year old son and
myself to do all this; apart from the
fact that I have a full time job to
support us and educate my son which
means I have limited time and money.
With reluctance, I would like to sell
my home here, and purchase one with less
upkeep and less land to care for but,
as has been the case for the last 20
odd years, no one would buy my home or
any other property nearby when they
found out that when the proposed
Kyeemagh/Chullora County Road was built
the whole of properties would be reclaimed.”

Planning blight also effects community facilities.
It affects open space. The Cooks River Valley and
the Wolli Creek Valley are both good examples. They
have been neglected because of the uncertainty

37. Submission S.K/C 810 F.B. O’Connor, letter dated
    10/7/79.
38. S.K/C 065 Mrs. Maureen Black (Riverview Road)
    Earlwood.

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created by the road proposals. With increasing
commitments and tight budgets, council can hardly
be blamed for refraining from spending money on
improvements which may be demolished tomorrow to make
way for the road. One side of the Cooks River Valley
has been landscaped. Trees have been planted. The
parks are attractive. They are well used. The other
side has been neglected. There is an absence of
trees. The ground is often uneven. The area looks
forlorn and is without charm, even though the setting
has vast potential.

Thirdly, even where there is a corridor, and it is
where the road builder requires it, the ultimate
alignment of the road (when it is designed) may not
neatly fit within the corridor reservation. There
are many examples before this Inquiry. The following
submission is typical. It is made by a resident of
Riverview Road, Earlwood (39):

“I applied to have another home built on
this block thus making two buildings on
the same block. Then I was informed in
1955 of the proposed road along Cooks
River. As I was not allowed to build
another dwelling I sold that piece which
the State Planning said was required...
I have spent thousands of dollars on
my home thinking it would be left after
the road was through...now it seems the
main road proposes to take all of the
block with a six lane road..."

Fourthly, the Department of Main Roads (rightly in
the Inquiry's view) acquires properties in advance
of its needs where there is hardship to the owner.
For some reason which is obscure to the Inquiry (and
which it sees as undesirable) it nonetheless
penalises the owner by not paying his legal costs
and other incidental expenses, even though it would
meet these expenses in an ordinary resumption. If
there is hardship we should have thought that the
person should be treated no differently. There is

39. S.K/C 1227 Mrs. S.B.K. Wilson letter 26/7/79.

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the disadvantage that large sums of capital are
tied up in property acquired before it is needed
by the Department in its construction programme.
The money may be better employed by government
elsewhere, especially if the project is one which
is a long way off, and may even never be built.

2.4 Planning Without a Corridor

It may be said that it, is unrealistic to consider
the matter as though the slate were clean. The
fact is that there are corridors. People have
become habituated to them even if they resent their
presence. In many cases properties have been
purchased with full knowledge of the corridor’s
existence.

The advantages in having no corridor are considerable.
People are spared the anguish, described in the
submissions we have extracted. Since many of the
roads will never be built, or will never be built
within the lifetime of the present occupants, much
of that anguish, is unnecessary. There would be
no planning blight.

There are a number of disadvantages. URTAC listed
the following (40):

  • “there would be considerable community
    uncertainty and speculation on
    possible future corridors;
  • it would not be possible to develop
    the necessary strategic framework
    for land use planning without a
    complementary transport corridor
    strategy;
  • high cost and/or environmentally
    sensitive development may occur
    which could pre-empt, future develop-
    ment of suitable transport corridor;
  • a rational balance between land use
    and transport system development would
    be extremely difficult to achieve.”

40. URTAC Report ibid., page 41.

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The temptation for planners to have 'secret
corridors, which guide them when approving or
disapproving certain developments within the urban
area, would be almost too great.

2.5 The Corridors in the Present Inquiry

A number of alternatives face this Inquiry. Certain
road options have been presented. Most options are
within corridors reserved by the County of Cumberland
scheme or by a later planning instrument. If the
Inquiry takes the view in its evaluation (Volume IV)
that a road is not needed, or a particular option is
undesirable, it must confront the corridor issue.
Should the corridor be released? Should it be
modified? Can part of the corridor be released?

The corridor obviously should not be sacrosanct.
The Cooks River Valley Association put the matter
this way (41):

"..the fact that they (the corridors) have
been shown on the planning maps for 25
or 30 years does not entitle them to
present day worship and regard any more
than Nebuchadnezar's statute was."

A corridor should be released if it is not required.
The position may have changed since 1948 when the
corridor was introduced. There was a time when the
whole of Botany Bay was reserved for flying boats.
There was, if you like, a corridor restricting its
development and use. The jet age put an end to
flying boats. It was appropriate that the corridor
should be released. It has been released.

The Cumberland Plan included a great many concepts,
one of which was corridors. To some extent the
concepts were interdependent. It may be suggested
that the corridors were lavish and pass through open
space such as the Cooks River Valley or the Wolli

41. S.K/C 192 Submission Cooks River Valley
    Association, page 6.

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Creek Valley because the planners made provision
elsewhere for the open space needs of the community.
It provided a green belt which was to be readily
accessible to the urban dwellers of Sydney. It has
since vanished. It provided for various parks to
be created in the inner area of Marrickville. It
is now clear they will not be created.

Quite apart from this, attitudes may change. Later
in this Report (42) we document some of the changes.
The environment has greater prominence in the public
mind today than it had in 1945 when the Cumberland
Planners began their job. The matter has to be
looked at today although with an eye on the future,
and the needs of future generations (both for open
space and for adequate transportation).

In the context of a Road Inquiry, and specifically
the application of cost-benefit analysis in that
inquiry, Professor M.E. Beesley says this (43):

"..A problem of principle emerges which
the evidence does not tackle. This is
the value (losses) to be associated with
reservation of land for possible future
incorporation in the road network. The
D:M.R. appear to argue along the following
lines: If for any reason, including the
fact that the cost-benefit ratio is not
'acceptable' the Department decides that
the road in question will not be built in
the foreseeable future, it will neverthe-
less reserve the land to be acquired later.
Reservation is assumed to be justified
because of the very high, indeed prohibitive
costs, of resumption later. This line of
argument is difficult to accept at face
value. First, the cost-benefit ratios
should include the present value of
future alternative uses for the reserved
land. One may seriously doubt whether
they in fact do so. Second, the implicit
argument is that (the) D.M.R. expect the
cost-benefit ratio to become more favour-
able (‘acceptable') at some future time,
a calculation in which resumption cost
will include the cost of acquiring the

42. Volume III, Environmental Criteria.
43. Annexure 2 Paper M.E. Beesley paragraph 28;
    page 365 of this Report.

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land plus demolition etc. If this is
so, it should be demonstrated, or at
least shown to be a reasonable proba-
bility
. It is unreasonable to argue
as if resumption costs are infinite."
                     (emphasis added)

The Inquiry agrees. This was not done in the
present Inquiry. It should be addressed in future
road inquiries.