Sunday 22 February 2015

Volume II - Report (A. Transport Criteria - I-V)









CRITERIA FOR EVALUATION

VOLUME II

January, 1981.






A. TRANSPORT CRITERIA

I     TRAFFIC PROBLEMS
II    TRAFFIC AND LAND USE
III   CONGESTION
IV    ACCESSIBILITY
V     HIERARCHY OF ROADS
VI    FORECASTING
VII   TRAFFIC MODELLING
VIII  PRIORITIES







I  TRAFFIC PROBLEMS

1. WHEN IS TRAFFIC A PROBLEM?

1.1 Present and Future Problems

There are the following issues:
  • What are the existing traffic problems
    and how can they be overcome?
  • What are the likely traffic problems
    of the future and what can be done
    to prevent them?
To answer these questions we must address three
matters. First, there is a question of philosophy:
when is traffic a problem? Secondly, there is a
question of technique: what measures are available
to overcome traffic problems? Thirdly, in discerning
traffic problems of the future it is necessary to
resort to one of a number of forecasting techniques.
The analysis is made rather more simple if we leave
aside, for the time being, the complications
introduced by forecasting, and concentrate upon
existing problems, and what can be done to overcome
them.


1.2 What is a Traffic Problem?

The question may seem odd. It may hardly seem
worth asking. We are all familiar with a traffic
jam. We have all experienced the irritation and
frustration of traffic at a stand-still or moving
at a snail’s pace. We all know, in a general way,
what is meant by a traffic problem.

Regrettably the matter is rather more complex.
There are certain traffic problems which must be
addressed in order to satisfy the needs of the
motorist. There are others which must be tackled
because traffic impinges unduly upon residential
areas or other areas where it is unwanted (such as
shopping centres). Curiously, there are traffic

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problems which are better ignored either because
the solution is 1ikely to be counter-productive
(in a way which we will explain shortly) or the
‘cure’ is worse than the disease.

1.3 Traffic is Growing

There are certain stubborn facts which must first
be digested before examining the 'traffic problem’,
and the means available for its amelioration:
  • The number of motor vehicles per
    head of population in the 1950's
    was 1:10. It is now approximately
    1:3.
  • The population of the Sydney region
    in 1976 was 3,094,750. Projections
    have been made to the year 2001.
    They range from 3,475,000 to
    3,890,000 (1).
  • The average vehicle kilometres per
    year per person is also growing.
    In short, there will be more cars,
    more people, and they each will be
    driving their cars further.


TABLE 1.

FORECASTS OF AVERAGE ANNUAL KILOMETRES
PER VEHICLE (2)


Year                       Km per Vehicle

1965                           14,708 
1970                           15,728
1975                           16,412
1980                           17,497
1985                           18,291
1990                           19,293
2000                           2l,145

1. Populations projections for N.S.W. 1976-2001
   (1979), P.E.C., page 31.
2. An Assessment of the Australian Road System:
   1979 (Part l), page 42.


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  • Traffic is already seen by the public
    as a problem. It was identified as
    a 'dominant issue' (along with air
    pollution and aircraft noise) in a
    survey conducted by the planning and
    Environment Commission in 1978 (3).

1.4 Traffic and Public Transport

So what is the answer? It is too facile to suggest
that everyone should simply stop being selfish and
use public transport. There are certain tasks for
which public transport is ideally suited. There
are others for which the motor vehicle is adept.
Sir Colin Buchanan puts it in this way (4):

"The journey to work in urban centres
is the classical example where public
transport has a clear role. But if
you try to compel the transfer to
public transport of movements for
which it is not suited, such as the
mass of random criss-cross social
journeyings.. for which the car is pre-
eminently suitable, the result will
be that the movements will not be
made at all, and life will be all
the poorer.”


Even for the journey to work, the radial orientation
of most public transport makes it unsuitable for
many of the journeys which must be made. The
respective functions of the car and public
transport are well summarized in the following
passage (5):

"The motor car is an efficient device
for providing random access between
two points in an urban area, but is
fairly inefficient at delivering

3. Planning Report 1978: What You Said, P.E.C. page 21.
   See also the evidence of Messrs Austin & Wright,
   Aldermen of the Rockdale Council (and members of
   the Arncliffe Progress Association), transcript
   25.10.80 pages 56-88 where they speak of the way
   in which traffic issues dominate Council’s time.
4. Community and Environmental Apsect of Urban
   Highway Proposals, NAASRA, 1976, page 2.
5. Canberra Short Term Planning Study, P.G. Pak-Poy
   & Associates Pty. Limited, page 6.



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large numbers of people simultaneously
to points of concentrated activity.
Public transport, on the other hand,
is poor as a random access device,
but relatively efficient at serving
the needs of peak travel demand on
the employment and commercial nodes
within the urban area."

The submissions to this Inquiry by the public do,
nonetheless, betray a renewed interest in public
transport, and a perception that public transport
should not be undermined by competing road
facilities. They indicate, further, that public
transport solutions should first be tested for
their feasibility where a traffic problem is
evident, Certainly, in a Road Inquiry both
Public Transport and Road ‘solutions' should be
placed before the public for its scrutiny and
comment. This was not done in the present Inquiry.

1.5 The Metropolitan Road System Will Continue to
    Function


It is not difficult to find passages within
transportation studies which suggest that unless
something is done, and done at once, the system
will cease to cope with the demands made upon it.
In Traffic in Towns published in 1963 the following
appears (6):

"An Urgent Situation
Irrespective of the exact final total of
vehicles, however, we cannot emphasise
too strongly the fact that vehicle
numbers are likely to double within ten
years, and treble in a little over twenty
years, and that this will be the bulk of
the future increases. The problems of
traffic are crowding in upon us with
desperate urgency
.”
                              (emphasis added)

The Report concludes with these dramatic words (7):

6. Traffic in Towns (The Buchanan Report), Report
   to the British Government, 1963, page 28.
7. ibid., page 201.

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"The studies indicate the kind and scale
of measures required to meet the increase
of traffic. But when traffic growth and
the measures are compared, it is difficult
to avoid the conclusion that, for a long
period ahead, traffic will increase faster
than we can hope to cope with it, even on
the most optimistic assumptions of capital
investment. It may be thought that a
desperate situation will arise
. The
further conclusion is unavoidable; that
conditions as they are going to develop
in this Island in the next ten years or
sor, will demand an almost heroic act of
self-discipline from the public
.”
                              (emphasis added)

The same impression of desperate urgency is created
by the Sydney Area Transportation Study published
in 1974. It says (8):
"The magnitude of the transportation
task in the Sydney Region to the
period to 2000 is almost overwhelming.”

Elsewhere it says (9):
"It is difficult to quantify the lag,
but it does seem that Sydney's express-
way programme is about 15 years behind
where it should be.. Road construction
has suffered (from lack of finance)
and congestion has increased. The
congestion that exists suggests that
the highway systems cannot cope with
current traffic levels
."
                           (emphasis added)

The very use of the word ‘cope' suggests the
possibility of a complete breakdown of the system
in which it will 'cease to cope’. In the public
mind the idea of traffic becoming hopelessly
entangled and grinding to a halt has a certain
plausibility. Having witnessed innumerable traffic
jams, and being conscious of increasing car numbers
and car users, surely the point will be reached
where demand so out-strips supply that the system
will cease to function?


8. SATS Volume 3, Chapter XIII , page 1.
9. SATS Volume 1, Chapter I, page 8.


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The impression, plausible though it may seem, is
wrong. The system will continue to function if
the Department of Main Roads did nothing more than
maintain the existing road network without adding
one further kilometre to that network.

The point can be demonstrated in a number of ways.
The road network is under greatest strain during
the morning peak period. By nine o’clock, or
thereabouts, the peak subsides. Thereafter the
system accommodates the traffic with relative ease,
Professor Blunden makes the point in this way (10):

"In most cities some 20-30% of the total
land area is devoted (to) road space
and this is necessary just to permit a
feasible layout, of land use activities
and provide for sub-division and access.
In fact it is this vast area of the
ground plan of a city devoted to roads
that has permitted the post-war avalanche
of motor cars to be accommodated in
cities, even though there has been little
addition to the roads in most of them.
One can make simple calculations that
show that with all the running around we
do in cars the average loading on the
urban road system is of the order of a
hundred vehicles per lane per hour - a
very light traffic loading."

There are two mechanisms involved:
  • one is the flexibility created by
    the difference between the peak and
    the off-peak so that the peak simply
    extends where the load is increased.
  • the other is the flexibility of
    demand. Congestion drives people
    away and they adapt their lives by
    going some other way or doing
    something else.

10. W.R. Blunden policy for Australian Cities ed.
    Peter Scott, page 135.

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It is because of the residual capacity of the
network, and its ability to simply extend the
peak period beyond 9.00 a.m., that the system
continues to ‘cope’ even when the demand rises
to an extraordinary level, as it does when there
is a public transport strike.
The ability of the system to adapt is demonstrated
by the following example (11):

"Trip makers may adjust their times of
departure, the routes that they select
between origins and destinations and
their mode of travel. One example of
this effect is provided by morning
peak hour motor vehicle travel across
the Harbour Bridge at the start of the
University year
. The increment in
demand created by student travel leads
to long delays during the first week
or so, but departure times and perhaps
routes are adjusted and the peak
period traffic flow stabilizes..Trip
makers adjust their behaviour in such
a way that the transport system will
operate effectively
. If additional
road capacity is provided in a corridor
then trip makers may adjust departure
times, routes and even transport modes
in response to this new supply condition."
                       (emphasis added)

Even when major roads are closed the traffic will
continue to function though perhaps not as effici-
ently as it did when the road formed part of the
system. This closure of King Street in the city
(or Martin P1ace) did not bring city traffic to
a halt.

1.6 The Consequences of Doing Nothing

What, then, are the consequences of doing nothing?
How can it ever be demonstrated that a road is
'needed'. The following is a comment by the
Department of Main Roads (12):

11. A Framework, for Urban Transport Policy Formula-
    tion, B.G. Hutchinson, June 1976, page 7.
12. Transcript D.M.R., 23/10/79, page 65.
-12-

ANDERSON: You could stop work tomorrow,
that is pretty clear, and the road
system - at least society - would still
continue to function. You do not have
to build another piece of road. It
(the system) will adjust. What we
cannot do is, in numerical terms, tell
which way it will adjust. I have got
no idea of being able to say whether
the peak will expand, whether people
will be diverted from one form of
transport to another, whether people
will just not make journeys or how many
will not make journeys or from which
part of the area to which other part of
an area they will not make journeys or
how many of them will be forced to shift
their place of living or how many of
them will be forced to shift their place
of work or shopping or whatever it is or
how much it will cause the distribution
of employment to change."

On the question of 'Need' the Department’s submission
makes the following comment (13):

"It is clear that because the system
will never "jam-up", because people
will continue to adjust their lives and
activities as conditions worsen, it is
not possible to establish an "absolute"
need based on existing conditions. It
can only be argued that efforts should
be made to improve conditions where
they are or are becoming saturated in
order to reduce travel times, operating
costs, to reduce fuel consumption and
promote safety."

The issue is not whether the system can manage the
job: clearly it can; the issue is whether it can
do the job well or whether it can be made to do it
better by a few additions and adjustments.
Professor Blunden puts it in this way (14):

"However, the equilibrium state may not
be as good as it should be. There is
thus plenty of scope for the land use
and transport planners to 'trim the
ship’ but it can be done with the
assurance that the ship will not
capsize."

13. Submission D.M.R. S.K/C 340, Transport &
    Economic Analysis, page 13.
14. W.R. Blunden op. cit page 130.
 

II TRAFFIC AND LAND USE

1. THE PRINCIPLE

1.1 Statement of the Principle

The principle is obvious enough. The implications
are rather less obvious. A report to the British
Government in 1963 'Traffic in Towns” contains the
following statement:- (15)
"Vehicles do not..move about the roads
for mysterious reasons of their own.
They move only because people want
them to move in connection with
activities which they (the people) are
engaged in. Traffic is therefore a
function of activities
. This is
fundamental. This explains why there
is so much traffic in towns - because
activities are concentrated there."

That is one side. Land use affects traffic. Locate
certain land uses within an area (an airport, a port,
an industrial zone, or a retail store) and it is
predictable that traffic will make its way to and
from that area.

There is another side. The provision or absence of
transport facilities (whether road or rail) affects
land use. If you provide transport facilities you
will bring about land use changes. If you do not,
the land use pattern will be different. The
concept is best explained by example. Before
the motor vehicle liberated people from the need
to cluster around railway lines and railway stations,
the spatial lay-out of Sydney was the consequence of
the rail facilities which were then available. It
is described by Winston as follows:- (16)

15. 'Traffic in Towns’, 1963, pages 33-34.
16. Sydney's Great Experiment', Denis Winston,
    page 18.


 -14-

"With the electrification of the suburban
lines from 1926 onwards it was possible
to have more frequent stopping points
and new homes clustered around the
stations, making a development pattern
of five knuckley fingers spreading out
from the city along the lines to
Sutherland, Bankstown, Parramatta,
Epping and Hornsby.”

The principle is one of interaction between land use and
transport facilities. It is encapsulated by professor
W.R. Blunden in the following statement:- (17)

"The truth is that traffic is the joint
consequence of land use potential and
transport capability."

1.2 The Implications

The implications of this interaction are:-

  • First, there is an obvious need for
    co-ordination between land use planning
    and transport planning.
  • Secondly, where, through lack of
    co-ordination, or for whatever reason,
    there is a traffic problem, it may be
    corrected by manipulating land use rather
    than providing additional transport capacity.
  • Thirdly, transport changes may cause
    significant land use changes.
  • Fourthly, land use changes may bring
    about significant transport changes.

We will examine what we consider ought to be the joint
aims of the land use/transport planning process. We will
then examine each of the implications.


17. The Land Use Transport System, W.R. Blunden, page 1.


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1.3 The Aims of the Land Use/Transport Planning Process


It would be impertinent of this Inquiry to attempt
an exhaustive statement of the aims of the land
use/transport planning process. We do not pretend
to do so. It can be said with some confidence,
however, that the aims should include the following:

  • The system should aim at inducing less
    travel rather than more (though a
    balance must be struck between access-
    ibility and minimisation of travel).
  • The system should aim at reducing the
    length of the journey to work.
  • The system should aim at reducing
    journey time.
  • The opportunities within a region
    should be reasonably accessible to
    the population of that region.
  • The system, in short, should aim at
    reasonable self-sufficiency within
    regions. People should have at their
    disposal a reasonable range of
    opportunities. They should not feel
    impelled to make long journeys
    either to seek a job or satisfy
    their other needs (shopping, recreation
    and so on).
  • Roads and public transport should work
    in combination to handle the transport task
    of the region, rather than in competition.
These aims may appear so general as to be
platitudinous. They are not. We wil1 shortly give
a number of illustrations of the way in which
various combinations of 1and use and transport
‘solutions' to traffic problems needlessly offend
one or other of these principles. We will suggest
that some other solution is demonstrably better
because it adheres to these tenets.

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A number of 'negatives' can be stated. In some
cases they are simply the converse of the principle
already enunciated. A road may be self-defeating as
a solution to a traffic problem if:-
  • it encourages more travel rather than
    less
  • it tends to increase trip length
  • it tends to encourage people to desert
    public transport in favour of their car
  • it encourages the expansion of the urban
    fringe
  • it encourages growth in a direction in
    which it ought to be discouraged

1.4 The Objective Stated by the Joint Study Report

It is instructive to examine the objectives stated by
the Joint Study Report (18). First it will be noticed
that the objectives are grouped under the following
headings:- (18)
  • Transport Objectives
  • Economic Objectives
  • Social Objectives
  • Environmental Objectives

Planning Objectives are simply omitted. They should
have been included.

Secondly, the Transport Objectives are aptly so described.
They are in no way concerned with land use or the
interaction between transport and land use. They do not
remotely resemble the objectives which we have stated.
They are:- (19)

18. Joint Study Report prepared by the Department of Main
    Roads & the Planning and Environment Commission.
19. ibid., page 7.


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  • Improve the ability of the urban
    arterial road network to safely
    and efficiently carry all major
    traffic movements.
  • Reduce existing congestion on
    arterial roads.
  • Cater for future traffic growth.
  • Reduce through traffic on residential
    streets, especially truck traffic.
  • Reduce the conflicts caused by traffic
    passing through shopping centres.
  • Improve accessibility to employment,
    shopping and recreation centres by
    private and public transport.
  • Enhance public transport operations
    to meet the needs of public transport
    users.

These objectives proceed on the assumption that a
traffic problem must be answered by a transport
(rather than a land use) solution.
The objectives in the Joint Study Report are
primarily directed to either:
  • Congestion
  • Conflicts between motor vehicles and
    other forms of land use (shopping
    centres or residential areas)
In the following section of this Report we will
deal with 'congestion'. We will suggest that it
is inappropriate to simply declare war upon
congestion and seek its elimination wherever it
occurs. Its elimination must be far more selec-
tive, and the selection process based upon the
interaction between planning and transport
objectives. Its elimination in certain areas
(for instance the central city area) may simply

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encourage more traffic which would be unfortunate
from the point of view of the city's overall
structure, and the way in which it should be
encouraged to grow.

We do not quibble with those objectives directed
towards reducing or eliminating conflicts between
motor vehicles and other forms of land use. We
simply note in passing that the elimination of
such conflict does not necessarily entail the
construction of new roads, although that may be
one effective way of dealing with the problem.

2. THE NEED FOR CO-ORDINATION

2.1 The Distinction Between Theory and Practice

The need for co-ordination of the land use
transport planning process is universally recognised.
There is, however, a gulf between theory and practice.
The following appeared in the publication by the
State Planning Authority in October, 1967 titled
Prelude To A Plan' (20):

"The relationship between transport and
land use is one of the most important
factors to be considered in planning
for urban growth. In the case of Sydney,
whilst topography has influenced the
location of the communications system,
the system itself has exerted a dominant
influence on the shape of the Metropolitan
Area. The scatter of population, the
distribution of industry, suburban
shopping centres, and centres of community
activity generally, have all been strongly
influenced by the spider-web pattern of
roads and railway lines radiating out
towards the city centre."

The State Planning Authority published the Sydney
Region Outline Plan
in March the following year
(1968). It acknowledged (21) the interaction
between land use and transport. It identified (22)


20. "Prelude To A Plan", October, 1967, page 44.
21. Sydney Region Outline Plan (SROP), page 6 .
22. ibid., page 44.

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certain transport/planning objectives. The
objectives included:

“4. Land use planning and transport
    planning should be integrated to
    aim jointly at minimizing private
    costs of traffic congestion by
    shortening the average journey
    to work, and facilitating the
    efficient movement of goods.”

In formulating appropriate land use strategies
the plan consciously endeavoured to minimise
transport needs in at least three ways. First,
it recognised that the prominence of the Central
Business District was responsible for the very
long journeys to work. The journeys could be
shortened by adopting the following strategy (23):

"A wider and more balanced distribution
of commercial activities should be
established so that over-concentration
of employment in the Metropolitan
Centre can be avoided.”
Secondly, it sought to promote growth centres,
specifically at Parramatta and Campbelltown, in
which the following principle would serve as a
guide (24):

"The principle of new cities each with
individual identity and with the widest
possible range of employment and social
facilities:
  • This principle is adopted with the
    aim of creating new cities instead
    of continuous suburbs, minimizing
    journeys-to-work, and encouraging
    a civic consciousness and interest.”

Thirdly, the plan sought to take advantage of the
existing transport infrastructure, minimising the
need for new road or rail services. It proposed (24):


23. SROP, page 12
24. SROP, page 15

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"The principle of linear extension
along communications corridors with
high intensity activities, such as
commercial and industrial centres,
and universities, located on the
rail system where possible.”

This was a land use plan. Some three years
later the transportation study (The Sydney Area
Transportation Study
) began its task. It reported
after a further three years in 1974 (25). On
almost the first page the principle is stated (26):

"The relationship of land use to transport
demand is direct and obvious. All
journeys are made between areas of
land and they are made because the
use of one piece of land is different
to that of another.”
Having referred to the basic principles of the
Sydney Region Outline Plan, the report then states (27):

"These transport planning objectives have
been incorporated in the Study objectives
(i.e. the, SATS Study)..but it was possible
to go further and develop alternative land
use/employment combinations for evaluation.”

The recitation of the basic principles sounds
promising. Yet the performance is described by one
commentator in these terms (28):

"SATS was given the opportunity “to evaluate
the transport consequences of alternative
land use/transportation plans”, and it is
unfortunate that only three comparatively
minor variations on the Sydney Region
Outline Plan were analysed..It is to be
regretted that SATS did not extend the
process and compare the transport costs
of the Sydney Region Outline Plan with an
alternative which made greater effort to
curtail office development in North Sydney,
and to generally shift jobs to where the
new population growth will be (the outer
western and south-western areas.”


25. Sydney Area Transportation Study (SATS) Volumes
    1 to 4.
26. SATS Volume 1, Chapter I, page 5.
27. SATS ibid., Volume l, Chapter I, page 7.
28. The Sydney Area Transportation Study – An
    Economic Review, P.W. Blackshaw, page 61.


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A further criticism is made. Not only did SATS
fail to analyse variations in land use, it failed
to recognise that different transport networks
will induce different land use patterns (29).
Blackshaw concludes with the following lament (30):

"But probably the most pressing need is
for an integration of land use and
transport planning. It is the dichotomy
between these activities, more than
anything else, which makes exercises
like SATS of such limited va1ue."

Nor is the problem confined to Australia. The
following appears in a report by Mr. K.W. Dobinson
(a senior officer of the Department of Main Roads)
based upon an examination of the practices followed
in the United States of America (31):

"Transport planners and town planners
seem generally to be each pursuing their
independant conflicting courses in North
America as in Australia. Transport
planners continue to view the city plan,
as developed by town planners, as fixed
and immutable and to which they must
simply use their transportation models
to determine the transport system
necessary. Town planners view the
transport system as something that the
transport planners must devise to make
the city plan work but which at the same
time, must not adversely affect important
parts of a city as a freeway does! There
was only limited evidence of genuine
effort to integrate land use and transport
planning."

2.2 Inhibitions to Co-Ordination

Why should this be so? There are major inhibitions
to the co-ordination of land use and transport
planning. First, the task is massive and requires
a grasp of several disciplines. Secondly, the
separation between disciplines is reinforced by the
way in which they are taught at universities. The


29. Blackshaw ibid., page 61.
30. Blackshaw ibid., page 67.
31. Car Cult Country, K.W. Dobinson, page 10.



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universities offer courses in town planning or
engineering, so that even though each knows
something about the other's work, graduates
primarily look upon themselves as either Town
Planners or Transport Planners but not both.
Thirdly, the separation is further reinforced
by the creation of separate departments, the
Department of Main Roads, the State Rail Authority
and the Planning and Environment Commission. It
was obvious to the Inquiry that on matters of
planning the Department of Main Roads defers to
the Planning and Environment Commission. On
matters of road transportation the reverse is
true.
The conundrum was examined by Lady Sharp in a
report to the British Government Transport Planning:
The Men for the Job
in January 1970. The report
said (32):

"..Strategic planning of land use and
transport must be regarded as an
integral and continuous key function.
These two elements of the environmental
planning job cannot be tackled in
isolation nor merely by liaison between
two separate departments
."
                       (emphasis added)

The report recommended that a committee and single
chief officer should be responsible for the whole
of land use planning and transport. It said (33):

"It entails acceptance of interchange-
ability between those engaged in
transport planning and those engaged
in land use planning, and a loosening
of attitudes towards the question of
professional qualifications appropriate
in the whole complex of planning..This
has got to come if planning is to be
properly served."

32. Sharp Report, page 15, H.M.S.O. (1970).
33. ibid., page 15.

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In the United Kingdom, following the Sharp Report,
the Department of Environment was created. It
combined the equivalent of the Department of Main
Roads and the Planning and Environment Commission.
Both were large departments. One rather gathers
the amalgam was not especially successful.
Recently the departments have again been split.

2.3 The Position in New South Wales

In New South Wales the administrative machinery
is now far more favourable to the integration
of land use and transport planning. The Ministry
of Transport has under its umbrella the State
Rail Authority and the Transit Authority. Until
recently it was also responsible for the Department
of Main Roads. In some ways it is unfortunate that
this responsibility has now been placed elsewhere.

There is a body, TRANSAC (34) which consciously
assumes the role of co-ordination between the
Department of Main Roads, the Rail and Bus
Authorities and the Planning and Environment
Commission. It is assisted by the State Transport
Study Group (STSG) (35). STSG is keenly aware
of the need for co-ordination. It consciously
endeavours to solve each transport problem by
examining land use and transport alternatives.

The options presented to this Inquiry are, however,
somewhat lop-sided. There is heavy emphasis on
road solutions to perceived traffic problems.
Land use (or public transport) alternatives have
not been first eliminated. The land use implica-
tions of building certain options do not appear to
have been fu1ly explored. We wil1 examine this
matter in some greater depth in the evaluation of
each option.

34. Transport Strategy Advisory Committee. (formerly URTAC)
35. Formerly the Urban Transport Study Group (UTSG).

-24-

3. THE SOLUTION TO TRANSPORT PROBLEMS

3.1 Introduction

We will now turn to the second implication arising
from the relationship between transport and land
use planning: the suggestion that a transport
problem does not necessarily require a transport
solution. We will go further. In certain situa-
tions a transport solution to a transport problem
may be undesirable.

3.2 Transport Problems May Not Need Transport Solutions

The manifestation of a transport problem is traffic.
Specifically it is congestion where too many vehicles
are trying to squeeze through too little road space.

It is tempting to remedy manifestations of inadequate
road capacity by the provision of more capacity. This
is (or was) the reflex action of an engineer (36):

"We have seen that traffic engineers "have
traditionally thought it their duty to
provide in a positive way for all the
demands that might be made on the roads
for which they are responsible. Under-
standably and creditably, they dislike
any suggestion that they cannot and
should not attempt to do so - it sounds
like falling down on the job
."
                        (emphasis added)

It is said that land use solutions to transport
problems are essentially long term. Very often
the problem is rather more pressing. The following
appears in an article by the Chief Planning Engineer
of the County Roads Board in Victoria (37):

“Thus, any significant changes in current
land uses trends would be relatively long
term, and in any case would require quite
drastic government action to bring them
about. Accordingly, land use controls
are not likely to significantly affect
the amount of future travel, except
perhaps in the longer term."

36. Towns Against Traffic, Stephen Plowden, page 29.
37. ‘New Urban Roads – A Case For Keeping Future
    Options Open’, R.T. Underwood, Tranportation
    Conference Adelaide, November 1979, page 144.

-25-
Certainly, pressing traffic problems will present
themselves from time to time. They will require
immediate remedial action. However, that action,
because it is immediate, is unlikely to be drastic.
Major road options (such as those proposed to this
Inquiry) are all long term projects. They rely,
for their justification, upon projections of
demand made for 1991. In some cases (the Cooks
River Option and the South Western Option) the
Inquiry rather doubts that they would be available
to the community, to alleviate the problems towards
which they are directed, before a date well into the
1990s. That is long term. Hence the long term
nature of land use manipulation should not cause
its exclusion from serious consideration.

There are, moreover, many examples of land use
manipulation offering solutions to traffic problems
available in the short term. Professor Blunden
furnishes a number of good illustrations (39).
First, there was a time when public schools drew
their pupils from large catchment areas. Children
from Eastwood, Epping, Strathfield and Concord
would journey to Petersham each day to attend
schools such as Fort Street. That has now been
changed. Fort Street (as with other schools)
draws its pupils from the suburbs within its
immediate vicinity. It is, in the words of
Professor Blunden, a 'good example of how to
convert a major transport task into a quite
manageable one'.

The creation of major shopping facilities in the
suburbs (Roselands, Miranda Fair, the shopping
complexes at Mount Druitt, Chatswood and recently
Northgate etc.) furnishes a further illustration.
It relieves the suburbs of the need to journey
into the Central Business District to obtain a
range of goods from which they can choose. Traffic
patterns are altered accordingly.



38. W.R. Blunden in 'Policy for Australian Cities’
    ed. Peter Scott, Chapter 8, page 127.

-26-

Land use controls often wait upon the initiative
of others. Land can be zoned in a particular
way but its development must depend upon the
commercial judgement of entrepreneurs. Often
town planners can do no more than create a climate
which is conducive to the right decisions. With
regional shopping centres, the gap between the
policy initiative and its implementation by
commerce was relatively short. Roselands began
in the mid-sixties. The suburbanisation of
shopping is now, fifteen years on, a fact of life.

Policies directed at employment relocation may be a
highly effective means of creating self-sufficiency
within a region. By this means, there is a reduction
in the need for long work journeys by residents
seeking employment outside the region because they
are unable to find a satisfactory job near their
home. Implementing such a policy is notoriously
difficult. There are vast tracts of land zoned
'industrial' which await development in the West and
South-West (where jobs are needed).

Having acknowledged the difficulty, it is important
that the planners should resort to both 'push and
pull' factors to bring about the right result. The
'pu11' factors, if they can be so termed, are the
creation of appropriate zonings in particular areas
where growth is needed to encourage self-sufficiency.
The 'push’ factors are the foreclosing of other
options in areas which are developed too intensively,
and where there is a surplus of jobs compared to the
resident population. That surplus creates the need
for travel from outside the region. That travel, in
turn, may induce a traffic problem. The traffic
problem may be alleviated, in other words, by
pursuing a land use solution: a policy of greater
self-containment and self-sufficiency.

-27-

The following diagram reproduces in a very general
way the employment to workforce ratios throughout
the Sydney Metropolitan Area (39).

FIGURE 1.

EMPLOYMENT IN RELATION TO WORK FORCE.



The Central Industrial Area (South Sydney,
Marrickville etc.) has more jobs than people to
fill them. It is second only to the Central
Business District. The major options (the Cooks
River Option and the South Western Option) are
unashamedly designed to cater for Central
Industrial Area traffic. Would that aid or
hinder the policy of self-containment? Would that
intensify the attractiveness of the Central Indus-
trial Area, making it even less likely that industry
would migrate to the Western and South-Western
regions to occupy the vacant industria1 estates?
Would the provision of a high speed road encourage

39. Sydney’s Freeway Options Hans Westerman, page 6.

-28-

commuters from the West and South-West to look
further afield for jobs, rather than searching
out employment in their own region?
We do not suggest these questions admit easy
answers. The following was put to the Department
of Main Roads (40):

"MIDDLETON: The Commissioner has asked on
a number of occasions what might be the
effect on the Macarthur growth centre
with regard to say the construction of
the South-Western Freeway in relation to
the desired development of that area.
That is, will it make it more likely
that industry might locate and jobs be
created in that area (if that is seen to
be desirable, which apparently it is,
and which isn't happening) or, on the
other hand, would it make it more likely
that Campbelltown will increasingly
become a dormitory suburb of Sydney
rather than a regional centre which is
self-sufficient as far as possible with
regard to employment and population.

ANDERSON: We really just don't know..
The best illustration of this is the
development of North Sydney. One can
argue all around the subject. Did the..
development of the Warringah Freeway
result in North Sydney developing or
would North Sydney have developed whether
the Warringah Freeway had been built or
not? I don't think anyone has an answer.
One can argue the subject..qualitatively.
One can say, yes, it occurred because of
this or no, it didn't, but that's as far
as you can get. Certainly the next step
of deriving numerical values, or being
able to have said ten years ago how big
North Sydney would grow because of the
Warringah Freeway; not yet."

We do suggest, however, that there are a number of
potent historical analogies, both here and overseas,
which do provide an insight into the way in which
the provision of a new facility (whether road or
rail) will affect the way in which the region grows.
It may be rather more difficult to predict the
adaptation of the system if nothing is done (41).

40. Transcript D.M.R., 18/3/80, page 23.
41. See Page 12.

 
-29-


Nor are we suggesting that these are the only
questions which must be addressed in deciding
whether a facility should be provided. Accessi-
bility, especially for commercial transport, is
another important issue (more especially having
regard to the airport and port adjacent to the
Central Industrial Area). They are nonetheless
important policy issues in respect of which
there ought to have been a considered response.

Professor B.G. Hutchinson, for one, expressed
misgivings about the provision of further capacity
serving circumferential or cross-regional travel (42):

"..The provision of more cross-regional
road capacity will tend to reinforce
existing circumferential commuting
patterns rather than foster the aims
of the Sydney Region Outline plan.
If the activity interaction patterns
suggested in the Sydney Region Outline
Plan are to be achieved then capacity
additions to the transport network must
be timed so as to encourage particular
activity linkages rather than simply
propagate and extend existing linkages.”

He thought that attention should rather be directed
to the Western region. He said (42):

"Rather than allocating resources to
the developed areas of Sydney, these
resources should be diverted to say,
the Penrith-Blacktown area in order
to foster particular activity linkages
in that rapidly growing area.”

Promoting the aim of regional self-sufficiency
involves four distinct phases:

  • First, the scene must be set by
    appropriate zoning to attract
    industry to the area.

42. A Framework for Urban Transport Policy Formulation
    B.G. Hutchinson, page 13.

-30-
  • Secondly, industry must then take up
    the challenge and move to the area.
  • Thirdly, the jobs created must be
    capable of being carried out by the
    local workforce.
  • Fourthly, people within the region
    must then be induced to take local
    jobs rather than scatter themselves
    more widely, creating a traffic
    burden in the process.

Addressing the fourth issue Ian Manning in 'The
Journey to Work
' has this to say (43):

"Though continued decentralisation of
employment should reduce the average
length of journey to work, there will
still be people (mostly men) who insist
on driving a long way across town to
their jobs" Collectively these gentry
make considerable demands on the road
system. Should expensive arterial roads
and orbital freeways be built to meet
their requirements? The extra
journeying range provided by such roads
will be something of a luxury once
employment has been dispersed to all
suburbs. Again, it may not be a wholly
bad thing for a district to have its
road access restricted
. In Sutherland
and Manly.Warringah journeys to work
are shorter than elsewhere, without
any vociferous complaints that the
residents are being denied their due
choice of jobs. The example of these
two regions would recommend a policy of
traffic restraint rather than road
building."          (emphasis added)

The Manly/Warringah peninsula furnishes a i1lustra-
tion of the way in which land use may be manipulated
as an alternative to the provision of transport
facilities. We should emphasize that we make no
comment upon the desirability of one solution
rather than another, but confine ourselves, in this
Report, to the comments of others.

43. The Journey to Work, Ian Manning, page 186.

-31-

In a study undertaken on behalf of the Traffic
Authority of New South Wales (44) an examination
was made of what was termed a ‘major deficiency’
in the North-East corridor between the Warringah
Shire, the Mosman Peninsula and North Sydney.
The strategies devised included both transportation
and land use alternatives. They were defined in
the following terms (45):

(a)    Develop a major employment centre in
the Warringah Shire to reduce the
demand for peak hour travel to and
from Sydney and North Sydney.

(b)    Construct a new crossing of Middle
Harbour, possible by extending the
Warringah Expressway through
Castlecrag to Seaforth.

(c)    produce a change in the mode-split so
that more use is made of public
transport and less of private cars.

(d)    Apply further traffic management
procedures to increase the capacity
of the corridor.”

Commenting upon the first strategy, the following
was said (46):

"The first strategy of developing a new
centre of employment to provide work for a
substantial proportion of the population,
would reduce the distance of travel for
many workers as well as reducing demand
for peak hour crossings of the Spit Bridge.
This strategy has a number of desirable
social and environmental consequences, but
would be very hard to pursue except in the
very long term, and the net balance of
future traffic demands are unknown.” (47)

3.3 A Transport Solution to a Transport Problem May be
    Undesirable

We have referred already to the traffic problems
engendered by the heavy concentration of activities

44. Transport System Management, June 1978
    Stapleton Transportation Planning Pty. Limited
    and Others, page 7-1.
45. ibid., page 7-2.
46. ibid., page 7-2.
47. See also the Report by UTSG (now STSG) ‘Land
    Use – Employment Distribution Options’ May
    1978, pages A13-A15.

-32-
in the Central Business District. There were
1,702,567 people living in the County of
Cumberland in 1947 (48). The concentration of
employment in the City was already a problem.
The Report on the Cumberland Scheme states (49):

"Centralisation of employment has
accentuated and increased distances
between living place and work place,
so that the average worker at present
spends 7 hours each week in travel.
Estimates indicate that over one pound
per head of population is spent each
week on transportation cost..
The time is opportune, therefore, not
only to commence the dispersal of
employment to areas in better relation
to residence, but to re-orient the
general direction of employee-flow in
a more efficient system of communications."
The population has since doubled. In 1968 the
Sydney Region Outline Plan had this to say (50):

"As in many other large cities, the
journey-to-work problem, created by
the high level of employment and other
activities concentrated in the heart
of the city, is a most difficult
problem to solve. This problem has
been severely accentuated by the use of
the motor car as a mode of transport to
work."

And again (51):

"The biggest single urban problem in the
region is the great and increasing
concentration of employment in the
metropolitan city centre. Sydney
shares this problem with many other
great cities. "

The Sydney Area Transportation Study proposed a
series of freeways terminating in Ultimo. Figure 2
reproduces the recommended highway system for the
city of Sydney (52).

48. Report on the Planning Scheme for the County of
    Cumberland, July 1948, page 36.
49. ibid., page 154
50. SROP, page 12.
51. SROP, page 17.
52. SATS Volume 3, Chapter II, page 6 (figure 2.6).


-33-
FIGURE 2.
SATS RECOMMENDED HIGHWAY SYSTEM FOR SYDNEY


-34-
This was a transport response to a traffic
problem. Because the roads leading into the
city are more or less saturated throughout the
day, greater capacity is provided. It is made
easier to get to the Central Business District.
But is that wise? Is that not likely to
reinforce the attraction of the Central
Business District and encourage commuters to
use their cars (rather than public transport)
in gaining access to it? The Commonwealth Bureau
of Roads (as it then was) published in 1973 (the
year before SATS) certain guidelines which it
thought appropriate in the planning of roads (53)
In respect of the inner suburbs (defined as
anything within 5 miles of the Central Business
District) it said:

"Radial freeways should not be provided,
particularly if the journey to work in the
C.B.D. is their principa1 justification
.. In these areas, the impact of freeways
on the community is greater than in less
densely developed areas. These impacts
together with the high cost of property
acquisition and construction are generally
such that the majority of proposed
freeways cannot be warranted.”

It saw merit, nonetheless, in the construction
of high standard roads (including freeways) to
act as a by-pass of the City for traffic which
had no business in the Central Business District
itself.

Instead of a transport solution (such as the
freeways suggested by SATS) a combination of
policies directed primarily at land use has been
devised to cope with city traffic. First, limita-
tions have been imposed upon parking. Vehicles
are discouraged from entering the city by the
relative difficulty in finding parking. Secondly,


53. Roads in Australia 1973, Chapter 6, para 6.131.

-35-

residential accommodation has been permitted and
encouraged in the city. A number of high rise
buildings are presently under construction or
contemplation. Thirdly, activities have been
encouraged to disperse to other regions. We
have referred already to the regional shopping
centres. The establishment of a Port at Botany
Bay will draw traffic away from the city. Finally,
a by-pass (the North-Western distributor) is in
the course of construction to supplement the
Cahill Expressway which operates as a by-pass
to and from the Eastern Suburbs.

In short, a policy has been adopted of restraining
the use of motor vehicles in the city centre and
discouraging their use as a means of access to the
city. Public transport alternatives are provided.
Whatever else may be said, the Central Business
District is the most accessible area by public
transport. Except for a few areas where public
transport connections are bad, there is little
excuse for the private commuter insisting upon
his car as a means of getting to work. If he
does insist he must contend with congested roads.
And he should not be heard to complain.

The New South Wales Government has, accordingly,
relinquished the transport solution as an
alternative. It has deleted a number of roads
recommended by SATS which terminated in or close
to the Central Business District. The Western
Distributor between Ultimo and Concord Road has
been removed from planning schemes. A portion of
the Southern Freeway (between Alexandria and Ultimo)
has also been abandoned.

-36-

4. THE LAND USE CONSEQUENCES OF TRANSPORT DECISIONS

4.1 The Concept of a Travel Budget

We will shortly examine the way in which the
provision of transport facilities affects the
size and shape of the city. The concept of a
travel budget furnishes a plausible explanation,
or at least part of the explanation.
K.W. Dobinson summarises certain recent research
in the United States (54):

"Interesting and generally unexpected
initial findings of this work (by the
U.S. Department of Transportation),
concerning travel parameters are:-
  • Households allocate a proportion
    of their income to travel which
    is relatively stable both between
    cities and over time
  • Trip makers tend to have a daily
    door-to-door travel time budget
    which is stable both between
    cities and over time.
  • Trip makers endeavour to maximise
    their daily travel distance within
    constraints of household money
    budget and their own time budget,
    i.e. they maximise their spatial
    opportunity."

D.A. Hensher refers to the same phenomenon (55):

"The empirical evidence of Zahavi
suggests a constant travel time budget
for individuals. If this is true then
the result of investment in transport,
is that individuals tend to use the
resulting time-savings to buy more
travel."

There is evidence to suggest that the time budget
is different for men and women, and different again
for married women and single women. There is a

54. CarCult Country ibid., November, 1979, page 12.
55. Formulating an Urban Passenger Transport  Policy:
    A Reappraisal of Some Elements, D.A. Hensher
    (Australian Economic Papers, June 1979), page 123.

-37-

further difference between public transport users
and car users. Men make the longest journeys to
work. Married women generally make shorter trips.
The journeys of single women are in between (56).

TABLE 2.

AVERAGE LENGTH OF JOURNEY TO WORK IN
MAJOR EMPLOYMENT AREAS




Source: SATS Home interview survey tapes. Unlike the Census
        figures, these exclude persons who worked at home.       
        (1971)

Manning suggests two reasons for the shorter
journey by married women (57):

"The first is their low income compared
with men, which means they are less able
to pay for travel, particularly speedy
travel. Over all Australia 1968/69 the
income of working men was on average
double that of working women..In 1968/69
single women had lower average incomes
than married women, yet their work
journeys were longer - indeed, not very
far short of the men's. This suggests
that the second factor operating was a
shortage of time. A married woman
holding down a paid job in addition to
that of a housewife and mother, cannot
afford to waste time travelling.”

The following table reproduces the average duration
of the journey to work by residential area and sex (58).

56. Manning op.cit page 30.
57. ibid., page 81.
58. Manning ibid., page 159.

-38-
TABLE 3.

AVERAGE DURATION OF JOURNEY TO WORK BY RESIDENTIAL
AREA AND SEX 1971






The differences between the ‘travel budget’ of
car users and public transport users is consider-
able. It emerges from the following table (59):

TABLE 4.

AVERAGE DURATION OF THE JOURNEY TO WORK BY MAIN
TRAVEL MODE AND EMPLOYMENT AREA 1971



59. Manning ibid., page 156.

-39-

Public transport journeys are usually twice as long
as the journeys by car. This may suggest that it
is one thing to fight the traffic for a period
exceeding 30 minutes. It is quite another to be
transported by some machine (whether bus, ferry or
train) in which no concentration or effort is required.

The same phenomenon was recognised by the Sydney
Area Transportation Study
. It said (60):

"Previous analysis has established that most
persons are prepared to devote a certain
proportion of time to travel on a daily
basis. This means that if the transport
system is improved, personal choices of
employment shopping, recreation and other
activities may be expanded, but the time
planned to travel is rarely reduced. In
other words, people are prepared to travel
further on better facilities in order to
take advantage of better employment or
shopping opportunities
. If transport
facilities are not provided many people are
forced to adjust to restrictive places of
living, unemployment and many may actually
not make trips that are unnecessarily long
and completely frustrating.”

We will consider separately the issue of accessibility.
Obviously it is a question of balance. A reasonable
range of opportunities should be available to people
living within an area. If a high speed facility were
available linking Campbelltown with Sydney the resi-
dents of Campbelltown may survey the ‘positions
vacant' columns of the Sydney Morning Herald and
contemplate jobs within a range of suburbs extending
from their home to the city itself. Is that a good
thing? If there were no facility the residents of
Campbelltown may take the view that traffic beyond
King Georges Road is a nightmare. They may focus
upon suburbs between their home and that road. Do
they feel deprived? Are they any worse off? We will
address these questions when considering accessibility.

4.2 The Influence of Transport Upon City Shape
In Miami (Florida, U.S.A.) a transport study was

60. SATS Volume 3, Chapter XV, page 9.

-40-

undertaken to plan the transport needs of the city
to the year 2000. The exercise was similar to that
under taken by the Sydney Area Transportation Study.
An elaborate freeway system was suggested and a
railway for good measure. Unlike Sydney, the plan
was executed. The freeways were built. The rail-
way system was, for the time being, postponed.
What was the result? It is graphically described
Mr. K.W. Dobinson (DMR) in the following passage

"DOBINSON: You can beat demand if you have
got enough money. You can beat demand at
least initially. But there is a bigger fear..
that is that you change the pattern of life
style in your city. And this has happened
in some American cities and (its) quite a
concern to them. The one that intrigued me
the most was Miami where they built their
entire freeway system which they worked out
ten years ago. They have built the whole
thing in ten years for the year 2000.. But
the congestion on the roads in the peak-
periods to my surprise – and here’s the
freeways for the year 2000, is just as bad
as Sydney Harbour Bridge
. And so that is
a classic example of trying to answer your
commuter demands.”
                         (emphasis added)

Mr. Dobinson then offered a plausible explanation.
He said (62:

"It isn’t as if they didn't beat their
demand. They beat their demand well and
truly but people thought how nice it would
be to live in better part of Florida and
so the city just spread out
and they created
a much lower level of development.. the same
as Los Angeles..instead of keeping a fairly
compact city they allowed it to just sprawl.”
                           (emphasis added)

Perhaps the best example of sprawl is Los Angeles.
It is more than eighty miles long and fifty miles
wide, a more or less continuous low density suburb
connected by a massive network of freeways.

61. Transcript Department of Main Roads 12/5/80,
    pages 69-70.
62. ibid., page 70.

-41-

The American experience is described by
Professor Webber (University of California,
Berkeley) in the following passage (63):

"When the road building program gathered
momentum in America, it in turn generated
and abetted waves of external effects that
were intended by neither the consumers nor
the suppliers of the road. The most noted
effects attached to the spatial disperse-
ment and spatial re-organisation of the
metropolitan settlements
. The causal
spiral is familiar to all observers of
American metropolitan growth, and I need
not recount the reciprocal effects that
have induced rapid erosion of public-
transit service, suburbanisation of the
white-middle-c1ass populations, ghettoiza-
tion of the old central cities.”
                          (emphasis added)

Professor Webber comments upon the change in life-
style brought about by providing a facility (63):

"However satisfactory the auto-highway
option has been for individual consumers,
each making an atomistic choice at a
given moment in time and at a given
location, the cumulative effects have
not necessarily been the most efficacious
ones either for individual consumers,
for some classes of consumers, or for
the larger societal collectivity.”

The greater the sprawl the greater the difficulty
in providing public transport to the outlying areas,
and the greater the disadvantage of those without
cars (the old, the poor, the very young and the
handicapped).

The downward spiral is described in the following
passage (depicting the American experience) (64):
63. The Urban Tranportation Planning Process,
    O.E.C.D., 1971, page 134.
64. America's Receding Future, Ronald Segal,
    page 280.

-42-

"The more cars that we use, the more space
in city and suburbs was surrendered for
freeways, for the widening of streets,
for parking lots, for a profusion of
drive-in amenities to avoid chaos; the
more space in city and suburb that was
surrendered for such expedients, the more
cars we use and the prospect of chaos
advanced. The mounting dependence on the
private car sapped public transport, and
the more that public transport was sapped
the more dependence on the private car
inevitably mounted. People fled from the
congestion and confinement, the pollution
and noise of the cities, to make cities
of the suburbs, and the country-side
retreated as fast as it was pursued.
People fled from each other, to make life
more formidable for themselves. Traffic
grew still less tractable, and still more
commuters rushed to use the road. Travel
took more and more time, more and more
tolerance, more and more risks, not less."

The provision of a facility does not operate, by
itself, to produce sprawl. It must operate in
combination with planning controls and the acceptable
way of life within a community. The following
contrast was drawn between Sydney and Toronto (65):

"Aside from the freeway system, the other
major difference between Sydney and
Toronto is in residential density;
Sydney's is about one-half of that of
Toronto's. This may be surprising,
since one common transport planning
myth is that freeways always beget
urban sprawl. And yet in the case of
Toronto, we have an urban area with
significant freeway facilities but
reasonably compact urban form."

Sydney can take little comfort from Toronto’s
experience. It is somewhat late in the day to
wean people off a preference for low density
housing (66). That preference is accurately
described in the following passage (67):

65. Address R. Michael Warren to 5th Annual Australian
    Transport Research Forum (1979), page 12.
66. See Chapter 2 "Australia as a Suburb" in Ideas for
    Australian Cities, Hugh Stretton, page 7.
67. The Journey to Work, Ian Manning, page 182.

-43-

"One of the most consistent aspirations
of Australian politicians, and indeed
of the people also, is that as many
families as possible shall have their
house and garden, set in a residential
area from which most kinds of employ-
ment-generating activities have been
banned. This suburban ideal has been
pursued consistently with some success.”

It seems likely, in the context of Sydney, that
certain facilities (depending upon their orienta-
tion and length) will encourage sprawl.

4.3 Where Facilities are not Built

It is interesting to ponder what might happen if
facilities (whether road or rail) were simply not
built. Each metropolis is different. Some have
a greater legacy of high quality roads and public
transport facilities than others. The effect of
calling a halt in one will be different from the
effect in another. It is difficult, therefore, to
draw upon the experience of other cities overseas.

Having sounded that note of caution, the overseas
experience is nonetheless interesting. In 1957-58
a study was made of the possibility of introducing a
rail transit system to Washington D.C. as well as a
highway system. An estimate was made of the number
of people who might use the system if it were
available. Travel patterns were predicted for 1965,
1970 and 1980. The transit system was not, in fact,
built. Had it been built land-use changes may have
occurred. It may be said that it is unfair in these
circumstances to compare the travel projections with
what actually happened. It is nonetheless instruc-
tive to make that comparison. The discrepancies
were significant. The explanation is provided by
the following passage (68):

68. The Urban Transportation Planning Process,
    O.E.C.D., pages 194-195.

-44-

"First, some elements of the highway
systems which projections assumed would
be built by 1965 were in fact not built,
and the travel projected did not
materialize anywhere else. Second,
insufficient account was taken of the
fact that as suburban areas mature they
develop their own shopping centres,
schools, recreation facilities, and
employment systems, with relative
dependence on the central city
correspondingly declining. Third, in
the absence of certain transportation
facilities, relative to what was
projected, people simply arrange their
lives differently with respect to the
various travel linkages between homes
and activity centres
.”
                      (emphasis added)

Was the city worse off for that rearrangement? The
following answer is provided (69):

"In 1958 it was believed that the Region’s
future development and prosperity would
depend on its building an adequate
transportation system, meaning one
which would serve projected travel
demands. But now, in 1969, there is
no indication that the region is any
less prosperous or developed or
contented than it would have been if
the original recommendations had been
carried out. Indeed, since these would
have necessitated tearing up a good deal
of choice landscape, it is possible that
the region is better off without at
least some of the recommended 'improvements'.
This suggests that travel demand projections
may be leading to over-investment in urban
travel facilities."

It is interesting to observe that the Sydney Area
Transportation Study
made the same suggestion as
the Washington Study, namely that the future
this city depends upon the implementation of its
proposal. It said (70):

69. ibid., page I95 .
70. SATS Volume 3, Chapter II, page 1.



-45-
"Analysis completed during the Sydney
Area Transportation Study shows that,
no matter how large future investment
may be in public transport and
ancillary systems, a vastly improved
highway network is essential for the
continued economic and social well-
being of the Sydney region."

5. THE TRANSPORT CONSEQUENCE OF LAND-USE DECISIONS

5.1 The Western Region

The County of Cumberland Scheme significantly
underestimated the growth of population. It did
not forsee the massive immigration programme
immediately after the war.

Curiously the Sydney Region Outline Plan erred the
other way. It projected a continuation of the
high population growth of the 1950's and 1960’s.
The population growth, in fact, dwindled as the
birth-rate fell and immigration almost ceased.

The Outline Plan designated certain areas in the
Western Region as suitable for residential develop-
ment. It anticipated, in time, that the entire
area would be 'infilled' as the growing population
clamoured for home-sites. A number of land
releases were made which were geographically scattered.
Their location was determined more by the availa-
bility of sewerage than the interaction between
transport and land use planning. The population
for the 'infill', however, simply did not materia-
lise. Meanwhile the scattered nature of the
residential areas has created a transport problem.
The areas are largely inaccessible to job
opportunities. Persons living within these areas
therefore must journey longer and further to reach
their job.

-46-
5.2 Botany Bay Port /Mascot Airport

It is clear that Kingsford Smith Airport (Mascot)
does not have sufficient spare capacity to handle
the air-traffic needs of Sydney in the future. A
decision will shortly be made to either establish
a second airport elsewhere in the metropolitan
region, or to further extend Mascot Airport into
Botany Bay. In either case that land use decision
will give rise to dramatic transport implications.

The decision to construct two large container
terminals at port Botany was a significant altera-
tion of land use. It was bound to generate dramatic
traffic problems. This Inquiry has been a response
to those problems.

A number of solutions have been suggested. Some are
in the nature of transport solutions. Others are
essentially land use solutions. On the one hand, it
was suggested that large container vehicles could be
accommodated by the construction of a high quality
road extending from the port to the Western Suburbs
or the South Western Suburbs. This was a transport
response. On the other hand, it was suggested that
containers destined for the Western Suburbs should
be sent by rail to decentralised depots. That is a
land use response. In the result, the Inquiry
preferred the latter course (71). That is not to
say that the other traffic problems identified in
the course of the Inquiry may not, of themselves,
demand the transport solutions offered by the Cooks
River Route or the South Western Option or
the other options suggested. That matter will be
examined in the evaluation of each option.

71. See Volume 1, October, 1980.


III CONGESTION

1. WHAT IS CONGESTION?

1.1 Medical Terminology

Traffic engineering has adopted, in part, the
nomenclature of medicine. It speaks of 'arterial
roads' and of ‘congestion’. Both terms are
appropriate as a description of the phenomena.
Yet, the use of the word 'congestion’ is, in a
sense, unfortunate. It reinforces in the public
mind (if not in the minds of traffic engineers)
that it is something pernicious and unnecessary,
signifying sickness; something to be eliminated.

We do not doubt that on occasions it does signify
sickness in the system and should be eliminated.
On other occasions it does not. It is best ignored
or left alone.

1.2 The Capacity of a Road

Each road has a certain traffic capacity which
can be calculated. A straight road between point
A and point B has a capacity which will depend
upon the number of lanes, the width of each 1ane,
the nature of the carriageway and so on. If a
road is crossed by another road (creating an
intersection) the capacity will be reduced because
allowance must be made for the time it will take
cross-traffic to get from one side of the inter-
section to the other. If there are a number of
intersections the capacity of the road may be
determined by the capacity of the intersection
which is the most constricted.

It may, on the other hand, be possible for
vehicles to avoid the constriction by joining the
road at some other intersection. The capacity of
various links in the one road may vary, even
though the road appears to be uniform throughout.

-48-

Calculations of capacity presuppose certain
vehicle characteristics. The capacity of a road
which is required to serve nothing but trucks
will be different from, and less than, the
capacity of a road which only handles cars. A
road which handles a mixture of cars and trucks
will be different again.

1.3 How is Congestion Defined?

A definition of congestion is furnished by the
Joint Study Report (72):

"For the purpose of this study, congestion
has been defined as the operating condi-
tions prevailing when traffic flow
exceeds 80% of road capacity. In such
circumstances, flow is approaching
unstable conditions and drivers are
likely to wait at intersections for
longer than one cycle of the signals."

Observation in the field is obviously one way of
identifying congestion. It is apparent simply by
looking (either as a pedestrian or as a driver)
where the trouble spots are, and which linkages
appear to be perennially overworked. In the
evaluation of the Options we will refer to
observations made by this Inquiry and others of
the way in which traffic operates throughout the
Study Area.

Employing the somewhat more technical language of
traffic engineering, congestion may be demonstrated
by what are termed “Y” values. The procedure for
calculating “Y” values has been established by the
Australian Road Research Board (73). The Department
of Main Roads described it in this way (74):

72. Joint Study Report, page 3.
73. Australian Road Research Board "Signalised
    Intersection - Capacity_Guide”, ARRB No 79,1978.
74. DMR Submission S.K/C 340 Transport and
    Economic Analysis, page 7.

-49-

"Briefly, “Y” which is determined from
the ratios of arrival rates to satura-
tion flows for each approach to an
intersection, gives a measure of the
degree of saturation. The upper limit
of “Y” for the efficient operation of
an intersection varies, but would be
in the range 0.70 to 0.85. Under these
conditions queues at signals would be
cleared most of the time in the one
phase."

The Department of Main Roads identified a number of
intersections in the Study Area where the “Y” value
exceeded the desirable maximum. We will refer to
this analysis in the evaluation of each Option.

Because future growth is so uncertain, dependant as
it is upon so many imponderables, road building
authorities throughout the world (the United States,
the United Kingdom and throughout Australia) have
been enjoined to consider existing problems rather
than problems which may or may not arise in the
future. However, because road facilities are such
massive structures, and require so long to bui1d,
obviously the road building authority must keep its
eye on the future. We will refer later in this
section to various forecasting techniques and
specifically to a computer modelling technique
which endeavours to reproduce traffic flows
expected in a particular year (say 1991).

A third method of assessing congestion compares the
expected traffic flow (predicted according to the
forecasting procedure, or the computer modelling
technique) with the capacity which exists within
a particular corridor of movement. The comparison
is made by what is termed a ‘screen-line’. A
screenline is no more than a line drawn on a map
transecting each of the roads within the corridor.
By examining the number of vehicles crossing the
screenline and comparing the tally to the combined
capacity of the roads, the short-fall (if any) can
be calculated.



-50-

2. SHOULD CONGESTION ALWAYS BE ELIMINATED?

2.1 The Evidence of the Department of Main Roads
It will be remembered that amongst the transport
objectives outlined in the Joint Study Report were
the following (75):
  • Improve the ability of the urban
    arterial road network to safely
    and efficiently carry all major
    traffic movements
  • Reduce existing congestion on
    arterial roads
  • Cater for future traffic growth"
                     (emphasis added)

Amongst the transport criteria was the following (76):
  • “Degree of congestion as measured by
    forecast traffic loadings compared
    with the capacity of each road.
    This indicates the operating effici-
    ency and degree of congestion on
    arterial roads and their ability to
    accommodate future growth of traffic."

The screenline analysis is designed to highlight
discrepancies between the projected demand and road
capacity. Where a discrepancy is apparent, should
it always be corrected by the provision of more road
space? Should it, on the other hand, be ignored so
that people are forced to adjust their journeys,
heading in another direction or journeying at a
different time? Should the Department, on occasions,
and for sound policy reasons (to do with land use, the
restructuring of the city or the competition between road
and rail) suppress the evident demand for future road
facilities? The following appears in the transcript (77):

75. Joint Study Report, Page 7.
76. ibid., page 8.
77. Transcript DMR 23/10/79, page 25.




-51-

COMMISSIONER: Does the Department have
a view as to the extent to which, as a
matter of philosophy, the demand can be
legitimately suppressed, or does it take
the view that it should never be suppressed?

D.M.R.: The Department's view in this
respect is that it is the road authority
to provide for arterial roads; it is not
its business to tell people, if you like
by its actions, what they should and should
not do in respect of travel. It endeavours
to, or aims to cater for the demand as it
appears as it will be. "

As a pronouncement of policy by the Department of
Roads we rather doubt that this statement can
be taken literally. It seems to the Inquiry plainly
wrong in principle for reasons which will emerge in
the course of this analysis. It will be the Inquiry's
contention that there are three separate issues which
must be addressed:-

  • First, where in the network is there a
    discrepancy between likely demand and road
    capacity, such that congestion can be
    anticipated?
  • Secondly, where there is such a discrepancy,
    it is desirable that traffic should be
    encouraged in that direction?
  • Thirdly, where it is desirable, should
    the discrepancy be answered by:

  • a transport solution (i.e., the provision
    of more road space or the implementation
    of the various other traffic management
    techniques);
  • a public transport solution;
  • a land-use solution.

We suggest that the statement by the Department of
Main Roads cannot be taken literally for a number
of reasons. Questions of policy, as opposed to

-52-

simple discrepancies between supply and demand,
necessarily intrude upon decisions made by the
Department to answer or refrain from answering a
call for more road space. The intrusion is through
a number of doors. First, the Department would
acknowledge, no doubt, that in certain situations
it, is simply not possible to answer the demand. No
sooner is it answered than the demand grows which
once answered, will grow even more and so it goes
on. That is a phenomenon which we will deal with
shortly. Secondly, the Department would concede
at least in certain areas, that it should discourage
rather than encourage travel in (or towards) those
areas. The Central Business District is perhaps
the best example. Attempts to facilitate motor
vehicle entry into the Central Business District
have all but been abandoned. The Department,
rightly in the Inquiry's view, now concentrates upon
by-passes. Thirdly, and most importantly, the
Department must be selective in the calls which it
answers because of the severe restraint imposed by
a shrinking budget.

To demonstrate our contention that the correct policy is
one of selective elimination of congestion (as
opposed to a wholesale war on congestion) we will
examine a number of issues:

  • The nature of traffic demand;
  • The tendency of traffic to expand to fill
    available road space, so that the provision
    of more road space simply generates more
    traffic without eliminating congestion;
  • The positive role which congestion has in
    deterring travel in a direction in which
    travel is thought undesirable as a matter
    of land-use policy.


-53-

2.2 The Nature of Traffic Demand

Peak hour travel is, of course, primarily created
by people journeying between their home and their
work. There are certain jobs concentrated in the
city obliging those who follow those vocations to
journey from their homes to the Central Business
District. There are others which are dispersed.
There are others again which are concentrated in
clusters in various parts of the metropolitan area.
Depending upon its length and orientation, a road
(or rail) facility will open up new job opportunities
for certain employees, and new possibilities for the
location of their home (79).

"According to the accepted theory of
residential location, an individual
considering where to live balances
his distaste for the journey to work
against his demand for a pleasant house
and his ability to pay for it.”

Residential location, in other words, will usually
be the result of a compromise (79).

"..a job other than the best available
in the urban area, a dwelling other
than the most pleasant the family could
afford, or perhaps a journey to work
that takes more time and money than
they would wish.”

If there were a high quality rail connection which
miraculously travelled between the Blue Mountains
and the City in say thirty minutes, you would
suddenly have a number of people saying to themselves
(to use the words of Mr. K.W. Dobinson from the
Department of Main Roads (80)):

"How nice it would be to live in (the
Blue Mountains).."

78. Journey to Work, Ian Manning, page 20.
79. Manning ibid., page 179.
80. DMR Transcript 12/5/80, page 70.


-54-

Similarly, a cross regional route may create greater
accessibility to those who follow vocations which
are dispersed (domestic and personal services,
restaurants, hotels, the construction industry,
retailing, health etc. (81)) or those who work in
factories scattered throughout the metropolitan
area (82).

We are not denying for one moment that the provision
of a facility may open up opportunities (whether for
employment or recreation) for persons within the
metropolitan area. That is not the issue. That is
an issue of accessibility which we will separately
address. The issue is whether by endeavouring to
cater for demand, in whatever direction it may be
headed, one can eliminate congestion, and whether
it is desirable to do so. We are suggesting that
congestion cannot, in the nature of things, be
eliminated in many cases. Emphatically it should
not be eliminated in some.

An illustration of the problem is furnished by the
following passage (83):

"Consider Paris; the density is on average
900 persons to the hectare rising to around
2,000 near the old quarter in the centre.
The traffic generation capabilities appear
to be - for all practical purposes – infinite.
A new circular freeway (Boulevard Periphique)
has been built around the city (which might
or might not have been a good idea). However
it certainly hasn't 'solved' the congestion
or met the traffic ‘demands’."

Strachan adds:

"The lesson is exceptionally clear. In
cities where densities rise above a
certain level it is only possible to
satisfy a small proportion of the traffic
demand (desire is a better word). The
higher the density the less this propor-
tion will be."

81. Journey to Work, Ian Manning, page 40.
82. Manning ibid., page 39.
83. ‘The Form of the City; The Impact of Freeways
    Anthony C. Strachan (Are Freeways Really
    Necessary), August, 1973, pages 1-4.

-55-

2.3 The Expansion of Traffic to Fill Available Road Space

Members of the public reading the Joint Study
Report
may be forgiven for thinking that they
were being asked to sacrifice their parks and
open space to effect, once and for all, a cure
of congestion. If it is the case, however, that
the provision of more road space simply encourages
more traffic without eradicating congestion (or at
least not removing it, for very long) the public
reaction may be somewhat different.

The concept is encapsulated within the following
precept (84):

"Private motoring expands to fill the
road space made available.”

Stephen Plowden expresses the principle in this way (85):

'..Providing more road space itself
generates more traffic..Very broadly
speaking, the amount of traffic is
governed by what is regarded as a
tolerable level of congestion
. If the
capacity of the road network is increased,
whether by road construction or by traffic
management measures, the mileage will
increase until the same conditions obtain.
If the capacity of the road network is
not increased, the mileage performed
will stabilize, and if the capacity is
reduced, the mileage will be reduced
correspondingly.”
                       (emphasis added)

Turning the argument on its head, it was suggested by
Blumenfeld that the signals may have to be read
backwards. He said (86):

"It may be said that we have a traffic
problem not because our means of transport-
ation are bad, but because they are good.”

84. The Costs of Economic Growth, E.J. Mishan 1969,
    page 127.
85. Towns against Traffic, Steven Plowden, page 15.
86. Blumenfeld O.E.C.D.1969 quoted in “The Urban
    Transportation Planning Process”, O.E.C.D. 1971,
    page 140.


-56-

Professor Melvin Webber adds this comment to that
suggestion:
"The workings of Say’s Law seem to assure
continuing traffic congestion in a manner
reminiscent of Parkinson's Law; traffic
expands to fill the space available to it.
Thus if Blumenfeld is right, we may have
a perverse output - measure of transport
effectiveness, reading the scale of
traffic congestion as an index of travel
mobility."

These comments were made at a symposium. They
invited the following rejoinder from Lyle C. Fitch,
a member of the Institute of Public Administration
in the U.S.A. (87):

"Webber observes, I think rightly, that
automobile congestion is governed by an
analogue of Parkinson's Law; traffic
expands to fill the space available to
it. But he could have gone further
to say that Malthus' Law as well as
Parkinson's Law is relevant. Malthus'
population principle states that popula-
tion tends to outrun the means of
subsistence, being held in check only
by starvation, wars and plague. Similarly
the automobile population tends to outrun
its lebenstraum, being held in check by
congestion, accidents, and like misfor-
tunes and frustrations."

We are fortunate in having the overseas experience
to instruct us on the likely consequences of simply
meeting commuter ‘demand'. Attempts have been made
by the provision of inner-city freeways, in Miami,
Los Angeles and various other American cities to
provide free flowing conditions even in peak periods.
They have manifestly failed. K.W. Dobinson (DMR)
describes what he saw on an American tour in
September, 1979 (88):

87. O.E.C.D., ibid., page 204.
88. Car Cult Country, K.W. Dobinson, page 11.

-57-
"Also freeways have not prevented peak-
period congestion. Severe congestion
occurs on the freeways in Los Angeles
in peak periods in approach to the
down-town area and extends on to the
surface street system. Even in Miami,
which, as indicated, has completed its
freeways for the year 2000, the freeways
in approach to the down-town area were
over saturated at 8.30 a.m. on a weekday.
It now seems that the town planner's
view is predominant with freeways
stopped or curtailed in many city centres.
There is an increasing emphasis..On
sub-way construction, but especially
on traffic systems management to
optimise the use of existing transport
resources of all types."

It should not be inferred from this analysis that
high quality facilities (even freeway facilities)
are never appropriate. They may be. It does seem
that certain centres are so attractive in terms of
the job opportunities they offer (principally the
Central Business District and the Central Industrial
Area) that it would be futile to pursue a policy of
eliminating congestion. Demand, in the nature of
things, will always outstrip supply.

That demand will arise in a number of ways. First,
the provision of spare capacity may improve journey
times and thereby widen the gulf between public
transport and the motor vehicle. A certain propor-
tion of people may desert public transport (89).
 
That, in itself, may begin a downward spiral for
public transport. Because less people are using it,
services are cut back or fares are increased. These
measures may, in turn, make public transport marginally
less attractive compared to the car, causing more
people to desert public transport to take advantage
of the new road, and so it goes on.

89. See for instance J. Black "Public Inconvenience"
    Tables 6.10 and 6.12 (pages 207 and 209).

-58-
Secondly, provision of a facility (or the expansion
of an existing road) may cause people to choose
different employment. Congested roads may deter
people living in the South Western Region from
venturing outside that region for employment. The
creation of high speed links between regions may
encourage them to look further afield. That, as
we have said, may be a benefit to them. That
benefit must be weighed in the balance against the
costs (including the human cost) of providing
additional capacity.

Thirdly, the provision of a facility, or the addi-
tion of capacity to an existing facility, may
increase the attraction of owning a car. It may
add to the total number of road users.


2.4 Comments by the Department of Main Roads Upon the
    Principle

These matters were put to various officers from the
Department of Main Roads in the Public Hearings.
They did not contest the principle. The following
was said (90):

"COMMISSIONER: But the provision of
greater capacity in itself does have
a tendency to generate more traffic
which takes advantage of that increased
capacity. Is that not right?
BUNTON: There is a tendency there,
that’s true. One can't deny that."

A consultant to the Department of Main Roads, Mr.
J. Carlisle (De Leuw Cather Australia Pty. Limited)
agreed to the same proposition (91):

90. DMR Transcript 14/1/80, page 54.
91. DMR Transcript 10/10/79, page 41.


-59-

"MIDDLETON: May not the construction
of a new facility itself generate
additional traffic? That is, you’re
not simply coping with an existing
or even a projected traffic problem,
but in fact you're giving rise, by
the construction of a new facility
to totally new traffic generation?
CARLISLE: That is true; normally in
the transportation planning process
we don’t take that into account very
often."

Mr. Dobinson from the Department provides an
interesting example. The transcript reads (92):
"COMMISSIONER: We have had mention.. of
the tendency of a road, which coincides
with a major desire line to, as it were,
fill up; that no sooner does one create
the capacity, than the capacity is
absorbed by the pent-up desire..to
utilise every available square inch of
road space.

DOBINSON: Yes.

COMMISSIONER: And therefore to some
extent it is self-defeating to, as it
were, build roads to simply cater for
that commuter demand. Do you subscribe
to that view?

DOBINSON: From a personal point of view
largely I do yes in the urban areas. I
would not think my Department would. I
must stress that point.

COMMISSIONER: Yes certainly.

DOBINSON: The example I use in my Report
is the Roseville Bridge which was replaced
by a two-lane bridge and not quite over-
night was full of traffic."

2.5 The Views of the Traffic Authority of New South Wales

The comments of the Traffic Authority on this matter
are interesting. We extract the relevant transcript (93):

92. DMR Transcript 12/5/80, page 69.
93. Transcript Traffic Authority 8/5/80, page 16-17.



-60-

"COMMISSIONER: If in fact one took the
view that the possible demand by commuters
for instance, is almost infinite, no
matter how much capacity one supplied it
would be swallowed up and used, then
presumably one must put the brake on
somewhere, is that not right?

CAMKIN: Yes.

COMMISSIONER: And indeed there is some
truth in that suggestion, is there not,
that the demand is almost infinite, in
the sense that if the facilities are there,
they will be used.

CAMKIN: Yes, I believe there are two ways
of looking at this and we tend to take one
position rather than the other. If you
create a surplus of demand, inevitably you
will stimulate additional traffic. If you
set out to match the demand in an increment-
tal way so that you don’t in fact create a
surplus of capacity, the attractiveness of
the system to new traffic is less than you
generate, or you've developed a clear
surplus of capacity.

And our view is that traffic management can
follow the incremental approach much easier
than new road construction and that traffic
management measures therefore tend not to
generate demand to the extent that new
facility construction does.

The Traffic Authority then added the following comment (94):

"If I can just address you a point about the
Authority's conclusion that there is a lack
of capacity. The Authority took the back-
ground papers wherein the assignment related
to the morning peak and was satisfied that
if the objective was to meet the demand,
there is a demonstrated shortfall in capacity.
It did not take a position as to whether the
objective should be to meet the demand or
constrain the demand.
                             (emphasis added)

94. Transcript Traffic Authority 8/5/80, pages 16-17.

-61-

2.6 Congestion Must be Accepted in Certain Areas

So where does that leave us? Does it suggest that
we should give up and build no further roads? It
most certainly does not. It is a reason, however,
to abandon free-flowing traffic as an ideal in all
areas. In some it is neither achievable nor
desirable. The principle that traffic tends to
expand to fill available road space is, rather,
simply an illustration of the land use/transportation
interaction. It suggests that road building should
be directed rather to the following (amongst other)
situations:

  • It should seek to satisfy demand (and eliminate
    congestion) where the direction of that demand
    is compatible with the way in which the land
    use/transportation planning process suggests
    the city should grow.
  • It should seek to provide reasonable accessibility
    within a region so that job opportunities located
    in that region are accessible to the local
    population.
  • It should eliminate congestion where it can be
    traced to imperfections or irregularities in
    the system such as the many discontinuities in
    the existing road network (where suddenly a
    four lane road narrows to three lanes or two,
    or takes a sharp bend (perhaps utilising some
    small connecting road) before continuing on).
    In many cases intersections are unduly constricted
    inhibiting the utilization of capacity on the
    remainder of the road. Such measures are directed
    more to the smooth flow of traffic than increasing
    capacity as such.
  • It should seek to eliminate congestion brought
    about by the mixing of local and through traffic
    by the creation of by-passes. Professor W.R.
    Blunden puts the matter in this way (95):

95. W.R. Blunden page 131 in 'Policies for Australian
    Cities'.

-62-

"However, there is another kind of
congestion that occurs because of bad
traffic management and poor design of
transport facilities. The most common
example of this kind of congestion is
the Main Street situation where through
traffic has no option but to entangle
itself with local shopping traffic.
The mixing up of through and local
traffic occurs also in Central Business
Districts, many subsidiary centres, and
on industrial estates..The simple
answer is to disentangle the two kinds
of traffic by developing by-pass
facilities, improve traffic management,
better frontage land-use arrangement,
and in some cases freeways."

In the present Inquiry there was a great deal of
attention given to congestion, being a discrepancy
between supply and demand. The congestion which
will arise under the Base case in 1991 was contrasted
with the congestion which may be experienced if one
or other of the various options were constructed.
Such comparisons are instructive if the companion
question of policy has also been addressed i.e.,
is it desirable (by the elimination of congestion
and the creation of capacity) to encourage vehicles
to travel in that direction? It seemed to the
Inquiry that, for the most part, policy and the
interaction between land-use and transport were not
examined. The elimination of congestion, wherever
it occurred, was trumpeted as a triumph of that
‘solution’ over the Base case.


2.7 Other Reasons Why Congestion Must be Tolerated

We have, so far, dealt with matters of planning and
the interaction between transport and planning.
There are other reasons why the pursuit of free
flowing conditions for the entire network (and the
elimination of congestion) is inappropriate. We
have mentioned some of them already.

First, the budget at the disposal of the Department
of Main Roads for the performance of its task is

-63-
shrinking year by year. It must now exercise a
very high degree of selectivity in the works it
pursues. The degree of inaccessibility to job
opportunities or the degree of congestion may be
rather greater in one area than in another. It
cannot afford to concentrate large sums upon
schemes which will benefit very few. It is only
too keenly aware of this limitation. Indeed, it
eschews the Cooks River Option upon this basis.
It said (96):

"The high cost of the work, therefore,
when considered in relation to the
relatively small part of the Sydney
Metropolitan Area which would benefit,
is of particular concern to this
Department."

Secondly, a policy directed towards the elimination
of congestion, wherever it occurs, may destroy the
very character and fabric of the city. This has
occurred in various cities in the United States of
America, notably Los Angeles. R. Segal describes
Los Angeles in this way (97):

"Los Angeles is special in the degree,
not in the kind, of social indeed,
human-disintegration that it displays.
But what is massively evident in Los
Angeles is evident, as well, and ever
increasingly, all over America. As
Jane Jacobs has pointed out in the Death
and Life of Great American Cities
, it is
the old–type city street of mixed
character, with residents from different
income groups, with apartments and
houses, shops and restaurants or bars,
which provide and preserve a sense of
neighbourhood, or social commitment and
ease, so that the local delicatessen or
newsstand is a place to leave messages
or keys, and the pavements are kept
safe by the eyes of curiosity and concern.
Such streets are vivid; they beckon
visitors and hold the interest of those
who live in them. They are not tunnels
between home and work, the hurry of
indifference or fear.."

96. Submission DMR S.K/C 340, July 1979, page 12.
97. America’s Receding Future, R. Segal, page 76.

-64-

Can it be doubted that a road programme of the sort
contemplated by the Sydney Area Transportation Study
1974 (as depicted in figure 2) (98) would destroy
much of the inner-city of Sydney? That area is
presently undergoing a revitalization. In the
judgement of this Inquiry the City of Sydney is the
better for its preservation. Its destruction in
the pursuit of free-flowing traffic would have
been insupportable as a matter of philosophy
(accentuating, as it would, the attraction of the
Central Business District to motor vehicles)
inefficient, in that it would almost certainly
have failed to bring about that result (as it has
in United States) and would have left Sydney
socially, architecturally, and environmentally a
great deal poorer.

Because journeys to the Central Business District
are longer than to other centres of employment, it
is likely that the pursuit of such a policy would
have lengthened the journey to work, lengthened
the time of travel, undermined a policy of regional
self-containment (between population and employment
and created competition between road and rail (since
rail facilities are centred on the Central Business
District).

Other solutions dedicated to the aims we outlined
in the beginning of this Chapter (99) are demonstrably
better. Congestion in the immediate vicinity of the
City (and elsewhere where it is thought desirable that
traffic should be discouraged) must, in many cases,
simply be suffered, though efforts should obviously
be made to seek its minimizaticn by appropriate
parking policies etc. (100).

98.  Page 33.
99.  Page 15.
100. Evaluation of Transit Lanes, Christopher Hallam,
     (Traffic Authority), page 1.

-65-

Thirdly, we have observed already that the city
continues to function even though certain roads
are congested at certain times of the day. People
adjust their lives. Plowden expressed the
principle in this way (1):

"The (traffic) flows represent people's
behaviour and choices after they have
adapted themselves to the possibilities
and limitations of the situation
."
                        (emphasis added)

It is not self evident that the adjustments made
by people (where they avoid areas of congestion
and look for jobs elsewhere) are any worse than
the adjustments they would make if there were
freeways here there and everywhere (2). We will
deal with this aspect in the following Chapter
where we consider accessibility.

1. Towns Against Traffic, Steven Plowden, page 29.
2. See for instance Manning ibid., Chapter 4 (Pages
   67-72) and page 186.

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IV  ACCESSIBILITY


1. WHAT IS ACCESSIBILITY?

1.1 Definition


Accessibility is a common place English term.
Something is accessible if it can be easily reached.
Something is inaccessible if it cannot. A rather
more precise definition is furnished by the State
Transport Study Group (3):

"The term 'accessibility' (is the)
ability to move between places and
thus overcome the intervening friction
of space, time and/or costs.." (4)

1.2 Certain Distinctions Are Important

It is important to distinguish between accessibility
from the viewpoint of:-
  •  Workers journeying to work
  • Other journeys made in the course of
    a day (shopping and recreation)
  • Commercial vehicles (and especially
    trucks) moving about the metropolitan
    area delivering goods and services

Further, there is accessibility in terms of:-
  •  Motor vehicle movements
  • Public transport facilities


2. ACCESSIBILITY IS A FACET OF THE LAND USE/TRANSPORTATION     
   INTERACTION

2.1 Consequences Where Accessibility is Pursued as an Ideal

Accessibility is not an ideal to be pursued independ-
ently. It is but one facet of the interaction
between land use and transport planning.

3. UTSG (now STSG) 'Land Use/Transportation Interaction;
   A Working Paper', page 72.

4. See also STSG "Sydney Western Region Data Paper”
   February, 1978, page 49.

-67-

The point is best made by taking an extreme case.
The example should be considered against the back-
ground of the aims of the transport planning
process which we have enunciated (5). It will be
remembered that the aims were:

  • The system should aim at inducing less
    travel rather than more (though a
    balance must be struck between access-
    ibility and minimisation of travel).
  • The system should aim at reducing less
    length of the journey to work.
  • The opportunities within a region
    should be reasonably accessible to
    the population of that region.
  • The system, in short, should aim at
    reasonable self-sufficiency within
    regions. People should have at their
    disposal a reasonable range of oppor-
    tunities. They should not feel impelled
    to make long journeys either to seek a
    job or satisfy their other needs
    (shopping, recreation and so on).
  • Roads and public transport should work
    in combination to handle the transport
    task of the region, rather than in
    competition.
The analysis which follows concentrates upon the
accessibility demands of the commuter workforce.
We shall leave aside, for the time being, the
prickly issue of truck access, and the necessity to
provide reasonable accessibility between major traffic
generators. We will address that issue separately
later in this Chapter.

5. See page 15.

-68-

'Mobility’, 'opportunity' and 'accessibility' are
separate but related concepts. 'Mobility' has to do
with the ease and speed with which one can move about
the metropolitan area. 'Opportunity' refers to the
places to which one may wish to travel. 'Accessibility
encapsulates both these concepts. It imports, in
addition, the concept of directness and continuity
between origin and destination. It is a measure of
how easily one may travel to those places to which one
may wish to go.

Because accessibility is a combined measure, it may be
improved in two quite separate ways. Either the
transport system may be improved so that people can move
more easily between one place and another or alternatively,
opportunities can be brought nearer to the people who may
wish to take advantage of them.

The effects will be different in each case. If the
transport system is improved usually there will be an
increase in the total amount of travel. The improvements
will ensure that people can travel further in a given
time. If opportunities are moved closer to the people,
however, generally travel will decrease. People will not
have to go as far to reach the 'opportunity' of which
they wish to take advantage.

Transportation Planners have tended to concentrate on
improving accessibility through improving the transport
system. This is entirely understandable. The transport
improvement, like the surgeon’s knife, goes directly to
the problem. A problem is seen, and it is tackled. There
is a direct cause and effect. Programmes directed to
changing the range of opportunities, however, are less
direct, less visible and involve factors outside the
control of the planners. They await the initiative of
commerce and industry.

Additionally, the responsibility for 'moving opportunities
to the people' is usually regarded as being outside the
purview of 'transport administration'. It is rather a
matter for land-use planning (6).

6. See our exposition on the dichotomy between the
   two; page 18ff.

-69-

The effect of an emphasis on improving accessibility
through improving the transport system has been
unfortunate. While improved accessibility may be a
desirable goal, if it is consecrated into some abstract
ideal it can have unfortunate consequences. Indeed
the pursuit of maximum accessibility to every nook
and cranny within the metropolitan area would be
wasteful, manifestly undesirable and ultimately self-
defeating.

It would be wasteful, first, because it would require
a massive investment in road facilities. High
speed, expensive roads would be required for a person
in say, Sutherland, or Campbelltown, or Parramatta,
to survey the metropolitan area and choose a job in
any suburb (or in a wide range of suburbs), confident
that the travel created by that choice would not pose
a significant problem. The high quality of facilities
would assist in getting from one place to another.
They would ensure that the minimum time, cost and
effort were expended. Even were that the aim (and
we suggest it, should not be), there is simply not the
money to transform that ideal into a reality. There
are too many other worthy objects commanding
Government attention.

One should not be crest-fallen on that account.
Budgetary constraints are not the only reason for
rejecting that ideal. It would be wasteful, secondly,
because such a network would induce more travel rather
than less; it would induce people to make longer
journeys in seeking an adequate job, rather than
searching out local employment. Curiously, people
already travel much further than they need to. They
may do so because there is already reasonable
accessibility within the Sydney region (a matter we

-70-

will examine shortly). Perhaps the explanation
is the ‘time budget’ of which we have already
spoken. They simply expect to take 30 or 40
minutes if they are travelling by car, or up to
one hour if they are travelling by public
transport. They select their job accordingly.

Reproduced below are two tables. The first
provides the local balance between workers and
jobs by sex according to the 1979 Sydney Census. (7)
The second underlines the discrepancy between
the number who are able to work locally and the
number who actually do. (8)

TABLE 5.

THE LOCAL BALANCE BETWEEN
WORKERS AND JOBS BY SEX



REGION
    (See Map 8)
                    MEN                                     WOMEN
Resident
workers
000
% able to work locally
Resident
workers
000
% able to work locally
Penrith
12
95
6
94
Blacktown
35
42
16
48
Outer South West
70
59
33
63
Parramatta/Auburn
40
95
21
95
Baulkham Hills/Hornsby
34
39
16
58
Ryde/Hunters Hill
26
64
15
73
Middle West
40
85
24
75
Bankstown
44
86
22
74
Sutherland
38
45
18
56
St. George/Canterbury
86
59
47
62
Marrickville/Leichhardt
39
95
23
92
South Sydney/Botany
20
100
11
100
Eastern suburbs
62
73
43
65
City of Sydney
14
100
9
100
Ku-ring-gai
23
33
11
60
Inner North
42
89
31
90
Manly/Warringah
45
45
25
63
All Sydney
667
68
371
72



7. Ian Manning ibid., page 78
8. Manning ibid., page 85.

-71-

TABLE 6.
THE RESPONSE TO LOCAL JOB OPPORTUNITIES BY SEX




REGION
    (See Map 8)
                    MEN                                     WOMEN
% able to work locally

1
% actually working locally
2
Response
Rate
(Col 1/
Col 2) %
3
% able to work locally

4
% actually working locally
5
Response
Rate
(Col 1/
Col 2) %
6
Penrith
95
29
31
94
39
41
Blacktown
42
12
29
48
21
44
Outer South West
59
21
36
63
32
51
Parramatta/Auburn
95
27
28
95
36
38
Baulkham Hills/Hornsby
39
11
28
58
25
43
Ryde/Hunters Hill
64
19
30
73
34
47
Middle West
85
25
29
75
34
45
Bankstown
86
23
27
74
33
45
Sutherland
45
18
40
56
30
54
St. George/Canterbury
59
19
32
62
30
48
Marrickville/Leichhardt
95
44
46
92
54
59
South Sydney/Botany
100
55
55
100
64
64
Eastern Suburbs
73
31
42
65
39
60
City of Sydney
100
65
65
100
78
78
Ku-ring-gai
33
9
27
60
25
42
Inner North
89
27
30
90
38
42
Manly/Warringah
45
21
47
63
39
62
All Sydney
68
24
35
72
36
50





-72-

Thirdly, given that a policy dedicated to
unrestrained accessibility would induce longer
journeys and more travel, it would also cause
the consumption of greater energy resources. In
today's uncertain energy climate that would be
folly. It should not be encouraged.

Fourthly, the creation of such facilities, dedicated
to the provision of free-flowing conditions for
commuter traffic in the morning and evening peak,
would mean a large scale redundancy throughout the
network in the off-peak. Compare other systems
which suffer from peaks and troughs. The following
analogy is drawn with the electricity supply system (9):

"..Peaking is a feature of all systems.
The difficulties experienced by electri-
city supply authorities in catering for
peak trading has recently (been brought
to our notice). It is general practice
to limit the capacity of all systems to
something less than peak demands, and
the various means are adopted to encourage
a more even spread of loading."

Applying this philosophy to roads the author says:

"There must always be some periods when,
congestion occurs on roads. However, in
a well-balanced system, severe congestion
is confined to city-oriented routes, and
then for limited periods only."

Apart from being wasteful, the pursuit of maximum
accessibility and mobility is undesirable, and
ultimately self-defeating. First, it would bring
about the land use consequences of which we have
already spoken. The indiscriminate creation of
facilities would almost certainly lead to the city
spreading out. Since it would aim at meeting demand,
and since demand is greatest in the direction of the
City, it would accentuate the attraction of the
Central Business District.

9. The Freeway in a Balanced Urban Transportation
   System, R.E. Johnston in “Are Freeways Really
   Necessary?", pages 6-10.

-73-

Secondly, satisfaction of demand by the provision
of high quality facilities (such as freeways) may
destroy the fabric of the city, at least in the
inner-city area, in the way so eloquently described
by Ronald Segal in the passage to which we have
referred (10). Thirdly, greater pollution would be
engendered. There would be more cars and they each
would be travelling further.

Fourthly, such facilities would, in many cases,
service precisely the same catchment area as public
transport. Each would be in competition with the
other. The battle is unequal. The car must win
every time. The car provides door-to-door service
with no waiting time, and a level of comfort and
privacy simply unattainable on public transport.
Public transport services must be undermined. They
must be further undermined by the relative difficulty
in servicing a city which is spread out rather than
compact. The demise of the electric railway in Los
Angeles came about for this very reason (11):

"In the early days there was an efficient
electrified railway linking the settlement
(of Los Angeles). The great expansion of
population by immigration then started,
and with the motor vehicle then on the
scene it produced, as might be expected, a
low density spread of development reaching
outwards from the old centres..The electric
railway did not long survive the competition of
the car.."


Fifthly, the greater the difference between motor
vehicles and public transport (in terms of time,
convenience and cost) the greater the attraction of
owning a car, and the more cars there will be. This,
in turn, widens the gulf between those fortunate
enough to be car-owners and those who are not. If
a car is needed wherever you go, the greater the
disadvantage for the very young, the poor, the old
and the handicapped. Approximately 20% of the

10. See page 63.
11. Traffic in Towns (Buchanan Report), page 182.

-74-

population does not have a car. That statistic,
moreover, camouflages the number who do not have
access to a car during the day because another
member of the family is using it. These people
are disadvantaged. A future based upon maximum
accessibility and mobility by cars accentuates that
disadvantage.

2.2 The Benefits Opened up by Maximizing Accessibility

It is not the fact that the creation of a great many
facilities, maximizing accessibility, would open up
a range of opportunities simply beyond reach without
them? We rather doubt that it would. People do
seek a job in the way they select a wine, sipping
this one, and savouring that, in order to choose
very best. They view a number of jobs in an abstract
way (based upon advertisements) and choose one. They
adjust their sights according to the advantages and
limitations of their position. If they follow a
vocation which is heavily concentrated in the city
(e.g., clerks) they may be constrained to make that
journey each day. Almost certainly they will use
public transport. If they have a particular skill,
and have the good fortune to be selling it in a
seller’s market, they can, no doubt, pick and choose.
One of the factors influencing their choice will
the location of the employer, and the relative ease
or difficulty in reaching that location. There will
be other factors including salary, conditions, the
time at which they start, the location of their
spouse's employment and so on.

No doubt there are those who have little choice.
They must travel wherever the job opportunities present.
We venture to suggest that really it is only for
this group that a future dedicated to maximum
mobility and accessibility is of great benefit.
Ironically, because that class is liable to be amongst
the unemployed and the poor, without skills and
without prospects, there is a good chance

-75-

they may not have a car, and may be reliant upon
public transport. They may, because of their
poverty and disadvantage, benefit rather more
from a short journey to work than most.

2.3 The Opportunities for Recreation and Shopping Journey

Are the opportunities created any greater for
recreation and other activities? Again, we rather
doubt the advantages are as great as they may appear
in abstract. We say this for two reasons. First,
shopping and recreational journeys are usually made
either in the off-peak or during the weekend. There
is far greater flexibility as to the time at which
the journey is made. People can, and do, avoid areas
and times of congestion. The load is spread far more
evenly. The system, in the off-peak (including the
weekend), copes reasonably well. The inhibition to
accessibility, created by other traffic and congested
conditions, is absent, or largely absent.

Secondly, recreational and shopping journeys
(especially the latter) are usually fairly short.
Dr. John Black considered the affect of the network
improvements suggested by the Sydney Area Transporta-
tion Study
upon recreational and shopping journeys.
The SATS study envisaged a high degree of accessibility
(as depicted in Figure 3). Notwithstanding the
complexity and the coverage of that system, the affect
upon shopping and recreation trips was not great. He
says (12):

"The immediate completion of the proposed
freeway system would do little to improve
residents' accessibility to schools, shops,
health services and entertainment and many
recreational facilities. This is because
the majority of trips to these activities
are short in distance and are quite local-
ised within the residential suburb. Even
assuming that motor cars were available to
make these journeys, relatively few trips

12. Public Inconvenience, John Black, page 206 .

-76-

FIGURE 3.

SYDNEY AREA TRANSPORTATION STUDY
RECOMMENDED HIGHWAY SYSTEM





-77-

would make use of the freeway-expressway
system. The roads would make it easier
for suburban residents to get to the C.B.D.
but our analysis of residents’ travel
patterns found that few trips went to the
C.B.D. for shopping or social purposes.”

One must be careful not to over-egg the pudding. We
do not doubt that the provision of a vast network of
facilities would advantage some, and that they would
appreciate that advantage. We simply say that a
transportation philosophy dedicated to accessibility
as some abstract ideal can only be achieved at a
price which is too high (in monetary and human terms),
will create inequities which are too great (between
the carless and those with a car), and the advantages
are likely to be ephemeral anyway since the city is
likely to spread out.

2.4 Contrast A Plan Dedicated to Reasonable Accessibility
Within Regions

We have established no more than it is necessary to
pursue the object of accessibility (and mobility) in
conjunction with the other land use/transportation
aims. These aims seek to foster regional self-
containment rather than large dormitory suburbs
serving a few intensive job centres.

The division of Sydney into regions is, in a sense,
a matter of administrative convenience. There are,
nonetheless, certain features which separate one
region from another. They each, to a greater or
lesser degree, have a geographical identity.

A policy of self-containment may suffer a number of
inhibitions, some of which we have already discussed.
It may be:
  • There are not enough jobs in the region
    for the local workforce. Certain members
    of the community are obliged to leave the
    region in search of work.

-78-

  • There may be a further inhibition.
    Jobs within the region may be
    relatively inaccessible to the
    people of that region.
The policy aim can be pursued first, by encouraging
(in the way already described) industry to locate
in areas where jobs are deficient, and secondly,
by improving accessibility within the region. In
the present Inquiry one of the issues is whether
the Cooks River Route will encourage cross-regional
commuting and prejudice regional self-containment.
Will the South Western Option encourage people to
travel long distances to get to work? Will it
(because of its essentially radial orientation)
cause the urban fringe to further expand?

One is really seeking to encourage an attitude
of mind. When surveying the 'positions vacant'
columns in the Sydney Morning Herald certain loca-
tions would be ruled out because they are difficult
to get tor or because substantial traffic congestion
is likely to be encountered. The point can be
illustrated in this way. If a number of tunnels
were built linking one side of the Harbour with
the other (between the City and Watsons Bay)
people's perception of what is and what is not
'geographically impossible' would immediately
alter. Whereas now, in the absence of those
facilities, one would have to be somewhat eccentric
as a resident on the Southern side of the Harbour
to contemplate employment on the Warringah
Peninsula, such employment would be feasible, even
desirable , if there were high quality uncongested
links from the Southern side of the Harbour to the
North.

-79-

At the present time there are not enough jobs on
the Warringah Peninsula for the available work
force. A high proportion of the jobs that are
available are taken by local residents. Manning
says (13):

"In summary, (certain maps) indicate
that local jobs are taken by locals,
especially when, as in Manly/
Warringah, venturing further afield
is troublesome."

If there were inter-regional links of the sort
described, it is likely that more people in Manly/
Warringah would look outside the region for
employment. More people from outside would also
look to Manly/Warringah for their job. One may
question whether, in either case, that would be a
good thing. It is a result which comes about as
a direct consequence of improving inter-regional
accessibility, as opposed to accessibility within
a region.

On the other hand, it may be that accessibility
is so bad, and the discrepancy between jobs and
population so great, that it is simply not fair
to rigorously pursue a policy of self-containment.
Industry may show no signs of obliging by locating
in the area. Even when it does, the time-lag is
likely to be considerable. In these circumstances
it may be better to accept the necessity of
improving accessibility out of the region, even
though that may set back, to some extent, the aim
of self-containment. In each case it is a question
of degree.

It should be remembered that regions are not being
separated, one from another, by the equivalent of
the Berlin Wall. If people want to travel from one
region to another in search of work, or a better job,
they are free to do so. The issue is whether they
should be encouraged to do so by the provision of
high quality, high speed links.

13. Manning ibid., Page 72

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2.5 Where there is a Problem of Accessibility, What Can be Done?

Assume, for instance, that there is a problem
of accessibility in the Western or South Western
Regions. People from those Regions must journey
longer and further than people from the rest of
Sydney. How can the problem be addressed? The
accessibility disadvantage can be answered by
providing greater road capacity within each Region
to ensure that the local population perceives jobs
within the same region as being reasonably accessible,
and therefore desirable.

Alternatively, the problem may be addressed by
correcting poor public transport connections
within each Region. Access to job opportunities
within the Region is made easier. Again people are
more likely to perceive such opportunities as
desirable if they can be reached effortlessly. In
the Western Region, there are a number of private
bus companies which each service a particular area,
usually feeding a railway station. Because each area
is the preserve of a particular company, there is
an absence of cross-regional connections.
Accessibility by public transport within the region
is, therefore, inevitably clumsy (l4).

The problem may be addressed by a land-use solution.
Industry should not be encouraged to locate anywhere
in the Region. It should be encouraged to locate
in those areas where the job shortfall is the
greatest. Most of the jobs in the Western Region are
to be found in the Auburn, Silverwater, Parramatta
area. A policy directed at encouraging their
location elsewhere within the region will make them
more accessible to the population.

14. See New South Wales Government Western Region
    Transport Improvement Programme, (8.12.80),
    page 3.




- 81-

3. ACCESSIBILITY IN SYDNEY

3.1 Journey Times in Sydney Compared to Other Capital
    Cities

One useful index of accessibility is the time it
takes for the journey to work. The following table
compares the duration of the journey to work in
various Australian Cities in 1974 (15):

TABLE 7.

DURATION OF THE JOURNEY
TO WORK AUSTRALIA, 1974




City

Population

‘000
Hypothetical Radius of the urban area
km
Half the journeys were less than

mins
Three quarters of the journeys were less than
mins
Sydney
2874
21
30
44
Melbourne
2583
21
24
43
Brisbane
911
15
22
34
Adelaide
868
13.5
21
33
Perth
739
13
21
34
Canberra
185
6.5
18
26
Hobart
158
6
17
24
S.A. (excl. Adelaide)
various

11
17
W.A. (excl. Perth)
various

11
16
Albury/Wodonga
43
3
11
17




Sydney is the largest city in Australia. One would
expect that journey distances (and times) would be
greater than in other cities. Manning says this (16):

"Given that Sydney and Melbourne are very
nearly equal hypothetical radius, it is of
interest that the median duration of the
journey to work in Melbourne is less than
in Sydney (Table 7). This may mean that
distances in Melbourne are a little shorter,
perhaps because its city centre is relatively

15. Manning ibid., page 178.
16. Manning ibid., page 179.


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less important in its total metropolitan
job market. It may also be due to faster
average speeds, for a higher proportion
of Melbourne workers travel to work by
car.”
The differences in mode of transport between Sydney
and Melbourne in 1974 were (17):
  • In Sydney there were:-
  • 30% public transport users
  • 60% car users
  •  Melbourne there were:-
  • 25% public transport users
  • 66% car users

The road system of Sydney is sometimes compared
unfavourably to Melbourne. Melbourne has a net
of wide boulevards unlike Sydney. Yet, curiously,
the difference in journey times is not great. Insofar
as journey time is a reasonable index of accessibility,
it would suggest the differences in accessibility are
also not great.

3.2 Accessibility by Public Transport

Public transport is an easy target. In Sydney, and
elsewhere in the world, it is the subject of much
criticism by those who use it and those who do not.
Yet the public transport system of Sydney, in its
coverage and capacity, is better than most. The
Sydney Area Transportation Study had this to say (18):

"By virtually any standards, the Sydney
Region has a reasonably good public
transport system. It is relatively
fast, safe and carries a large number
of people regularly to time."

17. Manning ibid., page 180.
18. SATS Volume 3, Chapter I, page 17.

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The tentacles of the railway network each come
together in the Central Business District. The
network (apart from the line between Bankstown and
Lidcombe) does not serve cross-regional needs. To
get from Parramatta to Hurstville by train it is
necessary to travel to the City and change. The
accessibility to employment provided by the railway
system, therefore, will depend upon whether the
employment is located in the City, or perhaps to
is placed near one of the railway lines which lead
to the City.

The bus network is more widespread. SATS described
it in this way (19):
"Most developed sections of the study
area (the Sydney Metropolitan Area)
are within reasonable distance of a
bus route. Bus routes in inner-areas
mainly run into the Central Business
District, and private buses in the
outer-areas frequently serve as feeders
to the rail routes. On the majority
of Government bus routes, stops are
close together, reducing walk time
but increasing total journey time."

The Sydney Area Transportation Study assessed the
overall accessibility to employment by public
transport in 1977 according to a graduated scale (19).

The Study Area of concern to this Inquiry, extending
from Rockdale to Chullora in the West, and along
King Georges Road and beyond in the South-West, is
characterised as having a high to the very highest
accessibility to employment by public transport.

3.3 Differences in Accessibility for various parts of
    Sydney

One measure of accessibility is the number of jobs
which can be reached from a particular area within
say forty minutes. Reproduced at the end of this
Chapter are four tables. The tables have been

19. SATS Volume 3, Chapter XIII, page 6 (Figure 13.4).

-84-

prepared by the State Transport Study Group. They
are:-

  •  Table 9 which gives the percentage
    of Sydney Region employment oppor-
    tunities (whether manufacturing or
    non-manufacturing) which can be
    reached within forty minutes travel
    time by car or by public transport.
  • Table 10 which ranks the suburbs of
    Sydney according to the percentage
    of job opportunities which can be
    reached within forty minutes travel
    time (by car or public transport).
  • Table 11 which compares the percentage
    of employment opportunities within
    forty minutes travel time for the
    years 1971, 1976 and 1991.
  • Table 12 which ranks the same local
    government areas according to their
    performance in each of these three
    years.

Accessibility to job opportunities (insofar as time
is an adequate measure) is better than average in
every municipality bordering the major options, with
the exception of Bankstown where it is marginally
worse. The job opportunities accessible by public
transport are again better than average except in
Bankstown (6% as opposed to 14%) and Hurstville (9%
as opposed to 14%).

It is interesting to compare the performance oi :ts
suburbs flanking the Cooks River and the South
Western Options. The following local Government
areas were directly involved in this Inquiry.

The Sydney region average in 1976 was as follows:-
  • 44% of the job opportunities could be
    reached within forty minutes by car
  • 14% could be reached by public transport

TABLE 8.
THE JOB OPPORTUNITIES
WITHIN FORTY MTNUTES (1976)

LOCAL
GOVERNMENT
AREAS


%
JOBS
CAR
RANKING
%
JOBS
TRANSIT
RANKING
Marrickville
82%
5th
35%
3rd
South Sydney
78%
7th
40%
2nd
Botany
71%
9th
16%
14th
Rockdale
70%
15th
17%
12th
Kogarah
57%
20th
10%
18th
Hurstlle
46%
23rd
9%
21st
Canterbury
70%
12th
11%
17th
Ashfield
86%
1st
26%
6th
Burwood
85%
3rd
17%
11th
Strathfield
71%
10th
17%
13th
Bankstown
39%
25th
8%
27th
Notes to Table:
1.      The percent of jobs by car refers to the percentage of the Sydney region total jobs which can be reached by car within forty minutes.

2.      Percentage of jobs by transit refers to the total Sydney Region jobs which can be reached within forty minutes by public transport.

3.      The ranking of local government areas is from one to forty. The higher the percentage of jobs within forty minutes (by car or public transport) the better the ranking.

4.       The percentages have been rounded.


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3.4 Accessibility for Trucks

3.4.1 The Problem Posed by Trucks

Trucks pose a special problem for land-use/transport-
ation planners. They make an impact upon the public
mind and upon the environment far greater than the
impact made by cars (20). Where they divert from
the arterial road network (because of its inadequacies),
their presence in residential areas is especially
obnoxious. Their presence in shopping centres is
hardly less desirable, though in many cases,
inevitable, because of the practice in the past of
locating shopping centres upon major arterial roads.

It is appropriate that they should have an adequate
road network providing connections between major
traffic generators, including the large industrial
areas. Reproduced below is a diagram which depicts
the major freight areas South of the Harbour (21).

What, then, is the problem? The problem is that no
sooner is a road provided to serve trucks than it
becomes cluttered with cars: that in providing
adequate connections between one region and another,
one automatically compromises the policy of self-con-
tainment, encouraging cross-regional commuting.

It is rarely possible, moreover, to solve transport
difficulties concerning trucks by a public transport alternative. Goods movement in the metropolitan area
is almost exclusively a road affair (22). It would
not be practicable for it to be organised otherwise.
Very few industrial concerns have their own rail
siding. The place from which goods are despatched
is almost certainly not located on rail. The place
to which they are going is likely to be remote from
rail.


20. The environmental impact of trucks is dealt with in:
21. Urban Goods Movement in Sydney, P.J. Rimmer, page 27.
22. Report on Roads in Australia 1975, Commonwealth
    Bureau of Roads, page 101.


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FIGURE 4.

MAJOR FREIGHT AREAS AND MAIN ROADS
SOUTH OF SYDNEY HARBOUR (1975)



Source: Urban Goods Movement in Sydney, P.J. Rimmer,
        page 27.

-88-

Happily, there was, in the judgement of this Inquiry,
a public transport alternative for the transportation
of maritime containers (23). The container terminals,
whether at Port Jackson or Port Botany, have access
to rail. It was possible, therefore, to address the
problem by a land use or public transport solution,
rather than a road alternative (although a road may
be necessary for other reasons unconnected with the
Port). The scheme suggested by the Inquiry requires
import FCL containers destined for the Western
Suburbs to be transported by rail to decentralised
depots at either Villawood or Chullora. From these
depots they would be taken by road to their ultimate
destination. The reverse would occur in the case of
export FCL containers. In this way the suburbs in
between, and especially the vulnerable inner-city
suburbs, would be spared the passage of the large
container vehicles through their narrow streets.

3.4.2 The Missing East-West Link

There are a number of references in the Joint Study
Report
, and elsewhere, to there being a 'missing
link' in the cross-regional road network in the
Southern metropolitan area. The only substantial road
in this area which services a cross-regional function
is the King Georges Road. That is some 15 kilometres
from the city centre. The Planning Report (1978) for
the Botany Bay Sub-Region prepared by the Planning
Environment Commission describes the road network in
this way:- (23A)

"With the exception of King Georges Road,
the main roads in the sub-region are
predominantly radial in character.
Circumferential linkages are relatively
inferior in standard in the northern part
of the sub-region although they carry
substantial volumes of traffic."

23.  See Volume I, October 1980.
23A. Planning Report 1978,Planning and Environment
     Commission, page 42.

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specifically addressing the problem of trucks the
Joint Study Report had this to say (24):

"Other circumferential routes (apart
from King Georges Road) in the study
area, such as Bay Street-Bexley Road-
Beamish Street, are less continuous
and use roads not originally designed
to be arterial roads. The discontinuity
is made worse by the radial orientation
of the topography and the need to cross
railway lines. These routes often
present problems to truck operators,
with sharp turns and the need for
frequent gear changing."

The Central Industrial Area Study written by the
Urban Transport Study Group (now STSG) makes a
similar observation (25):

"Secondary roads which are radial to the
Central City appear to offer relief to
neighbouring radial Main Roads and
State Highways. However, it appears
that some circumferential secondary
roads have been declared not on the
basis that they relieve a neighbouring
Main Road, but rather to fill major
gaps in the Main Road network, and
carry traffic for which there are no
Main Roads available. In particular,
some of the secondary roads in the
Leichhardt and Marrickville areas, and
SR2014 from Rockdale to Croydon Park,
appear to be complete substitutes for
Main Roads, not ancillaries to Main Roads.”

The Study Group prepared in August, 1978 a paper
entitled "Truck and Through Traffic Routeing: Inner
Sydney Study Area
". For the purpose of that study
it interviewed a number of transport operators to
obtain their views on the shortcomings of the
network. The problems fell into six broad categories,
one of which was (26):

“The limited number of continuous east-
west routes.”

24. Joint Study Report, page 3.
25. Central Industrial Area Study, UTSG (now STSG),
    June, 1977, Chapter III, page 11.
26. Truck and Through Traffic Routeing: Inner
    Sydney Study Area, UTSG (now STSG), page 23.

-90-
It is important that the matter should not be viewed
in an abstract way, based upon an absence of symmetry
in the road network. The Buchanan Report (27)
expresses the point in this way:
"In some cases it appears that ring roads
have been intuitively adopted..as part
of the plan, and at a later date
'origin-and-destination' surveys
have been taken to demonstrate that
they would carry enough traffic to
justify their construction. The
results of such surveys are nearly
always favourable to the ring road, for
the same reason that practically any new
road cut through a densely developed area
will, as a drain cut across a sodden
field fills with water, attract enough
vehicles to justify its existence in
terms of flow
.”
                           (emphasis added)

Rather, the aim is to connect traffic generating
activities where access (especially truck access)
is important. Buchanan says (28):

"It is not being inferred here that a
ring road is, in no circumstances, to
form part of the urban network. The
objection that is taken is against
the slavish adoption of the ring as a
standardised pattern. If the problem
is considered in terms of a network
serving environmental areas (a corridor
serving rooms, to use the analogy with
buildings) it will be seen at once that
the pattern of the network must depend
on the disposition of the areas, the
kinds and quantities of traffic they
generate, the associations that exist
between one area and another."

Here it, is said that the Cooks River Route connects
the important industrial areas at Marrickville,
South Sydney etc., (the Central Industrial Area)
and the large industrial estate at Auburn and
Silverwater.

27. Traffic in Towns, page 43.
28. The Buchanan Report ibid., page 43.

- 91-

3.4.3 Shopping Center By-Passes

One effective way of eliminating trucks (and
traffic generally) from a shopping centre is the
construction of a by-pass. Such a road may
substantially ameliorate environmental problems
created by the conflict between shoppers and
traffic, and improve accessibility for the motorist
without compromising the object of regional self-
containment.

Again it is a question of degree. The cure may be
worse than the disease. The by-pass may channel
traffic through a residential area. It may be
better in these circumstances to encourage the
shopping centre to grow on one side of the highway
rather than along it.

4. ACCESSIBILITY MAY HAVE TO BE SACRIFICED TO OTHER OBJECTIVES

4.1 Accessibility Is But One Variable

We have demonstrated that in the land-use/transport-
ation planning process accessibility (mobility) is
but one of the variables. Accessibility may be
sacrificed either because an area is already too
big, and the planners wish to encourage growth
elsewhere, or because the policy of self-containment
(which will bring about shorter journeys and less
time in travel) is to be assisted by concentrating
on intra-regional accessibility rather than inter-
regional accessibility.

Even the overall transportation planning process
must itself bow, on occasions, to other ends which
are thought more important. To take an absurd
example, it may assist certain transportation
problems in Sydney by filling in Sydney Harbour, so
that the North Shore was not separated from the
South. However, Sydney Harbour is perceived,
rightly, as one of the city’s greatest assets. It
is unthinkable that it should be sacrificed in this
way.

-92-

There are less extreme examples. One is presented
by this Inquiry. The Wolli Creek Valley is a
unique asset to the suburbs which surround it. It
is the last remnant of natural vegetation to be
found in this heavily urbanised area. It has been
left alone mainly because it is so rugged and,
therefore, not susceptible to intensive development.
It is unthinkable to some that it should now be
used for the purposes of a road. Others view it
differently. They see the benefits to be derived
from a road. They judge them to be substantially
greater than the sacrifice involved. Ultimately a
judgement must be made. It will be made by this
Inquiry. If the view is taken that the Wolli Creek
is unique, and must be preserved, then accessibility
is sacrificed for what is perceived to be something
of greater importance. The Joint Study Report
expressed the principle in this way (29):

"If a non-renewable resource is affected,
a judgement is required of whether over
the long term the loss of the resource
is likely to be valued more highly by
the community than the cost of not carry-
ing out the transport improvement."

The Cooks River Valley is viewed by others in the
same way.

The Buchanan Report gives the example of an historic
town. The narrow constricted alleyways surrounding
an ancient Cathedral inhibit access. If the
Cathedral and its surrounding is valued by the
community, then it, simply has to accept restricted
access in that area as the price for preserving an
important historical monument (30).

4.2 Restraint of Motor Vehicles

Similarly, a policy directed towards the restraint
of motor vehicles (by not providing parking beyond

29. Joint Study Report, page 7.
30. Traffic in Towns (The Buchanan Report), page 123.

-93-

a certain level, and by not providing road access
beyond a certain capacity) may be justifiable in
the pursuit of certain environmental objectives.
The Report for the Traffic Authority entitled
Transport system Management' has this to say: (31)

"It is common in evaluation of traffic
measures to assume that diversion of
traffic or even suppression of traffic
demand represents a cost of traffic
schemes. This is not always the case.
Where there is an accepted community
objective of restraint of use of motor
vehicles generally, at particular times, or at
particular locations, it can be readily
seen that a scheme which achieves this
objective should be regarded favourably..."
 

It then gives examples:

"There are reasons already for general
or specific restraint of motor traffic.
These are the need to conserve energy
generally; the need to reduce peak
hour congestion on certain routes at
certain times; and the need to reduce
air pollution and other environmental
distress of traffic."

Accessibility is consciously sacrificed to advance
the cause of reducing air pollution, or other goals
which are thought to be more important in a
particular area than ease of access.

Though the odour of 'sour grapes’ permeates the
following passage, the point is the same. The
words were spoken by the Victorian premier in
1972 after the public clamoured for the rejection
of an elaborate freeway network recommended by a
Transportation Inquiry in Melbourne (32):-

31. Transport System Management by Stapleton
    Transportation Planning Pty. Limited and
    Others, pages 1-4.
32. Urban Planning - Some Current Considerations
    R.T. Underwood, page 2.

-94-

"..there is a real and proper place for
the motor car, but action must be
taken so that the motor car adds to the
amenity of life, which it is so well
capable of doing, without assuming such
proportion that the city is a place for
the motor car to move rather than for
people to live. If freeways are not to
be built in the inner-area of Melbourne,
then the community must accept restrictions
on the complete freedom of movement of
motor cars in these areas."

4.3 Inhibitions to Accessibility may Protect the Environment

There is one paradox which we should explore. It is
difficult to gain access to Marrickville. There are
a few crossings and they are intensively used. They
often suffer from poor road geometry. They were
described by Mr. Sowden, the President of the
Marrickville District and Historical Society, as the
"gates to Marrickville".

Marrickville already has a good deal to contend with.
Much of it is industrialised and (for this reason) is
visually unattractive. It has few green spaces.
Traffic causes significant disamenity.

It may seem logical to correct the deficiencies in the road network by "opening up the gates”. Accessibility
by this means would be improved. But Marrickville is
likely to suffer more. Trucks now avoid the railway
bridges (and therefore avoid Marrickville) because
access is poor. They may be encouraged to use the narrow
streets of this suburb if access were better.

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TABLE 9.
PERCENTAGES OF SYDNEY REGION’S MANUFACTURING AND
NON-MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES WITHIN
40 MINUTES TRAVEL TIME - 1976





Source: State Transport Study Group Model, 1980



-96-


TABLE 10.

RANK OF PERCENTAGES OF SYDNEY REGION’S MANUFACTURING AND NON-MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES WITHIN
40 MINUTES TRAVEL TIME - 1976




Source: State Transport Study Group Model, 1980

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TABLE 11.
PERCENTAGES OF SYDNEY REGION’S EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES
WITHIN 40 MINUTES TRAVEL TIME FOR 1971, 1976, 1991




Source: State Transport Study Group Model, 1980




-98-

TABLE 12.
RANK OF PERCENTAGES OF SYDNEY REGION’S EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES WITHIN 40 MINUTES TRAVEL TIME FOR 1971, 1976, 1991





Source: State Transport Study Group Model, 1980




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V  HIERARCHY OF ROADS

1. WHAT IS A ROAD HIERARCHY?

1.1 The Functional Classification of Roads

The Metropolitan Road Network performs two distinct
functions:
  • the through traffic function:
    it enables people to get from
    one place to another;
  • the access function: it enables
    people to gain access to various
    facilities or buildings (whether
    shops, factories or homes).

The concept of a road hierarchy is the concept of
classifying roads according to their function. It
seeks the separation of:

  • through traffic from local traffic
  • even cars from trucks
  • pedestrians from both.

Its aim is the elimination of conflict. The
conflict arises through basic differences in the
behaviour of a vehicle moving through an area, to
vehicle which is seeking access to an area. The
difference is described by Mr. H.L. Camkin, the
Director of the Traffic Authority of New South
Wales (33):

"CAMKIN: ..The admixture of different
kinds of traffic is inefficient (and)
it, tends to be unsafe..drivers attitudes
are different whether they’re on a
shorter trip in their own neighbourhood,
or if they're travelling to or from work,
or travelling on long distances, or if
they’re truck drivers or taxi drivers,
or someone taking the kids out for the
weekend.

33. Transcript Traffic Authority 8/5/80, page 2.

-100-

So the different forms of traffic need
to be segregated because of the basic
inconsistencies between them. The
function of that traffic needs to be
segregated. Traffic seeking access to
a particular area behaves differently,
driver's attitudes are different, the
nature of the traffic is different, its
speeds are different..than when they're
moving from one location to another.”

1.2 Historical Perspective

The conflict between different classes of vehicle,
and between vehicles and pedestrians, is the result
of decisions taken many years ago affecting the way
in which the city was laid out. First, the street
pattern in much of the metropolitan area was estab-
lished at a time when few people had motor vehicles.
Access was the primary function. Typically it is a
rectangular block with an overall grid pattern.
Secondly, people at that time mainly used public
transport. Shopping centres needed to be visible
and accessible by public transport. They were,
accordingly, established upon main roads.

There have been changes. The growth in motor
vehicles can be appreciated from the following
table (34):


TABLE 13.
MOTOR VEHICLE REGISTRATIONS 1910-1979



YEAR             NO. OF VEHICLES
1910                       4,374
1921                      44,856
1931                     209,424
1941                     295,159
1951                     581,655
1961                   1,142,239
1971                   2,099,831
1981                   2,931,386


34. Extracted from Annual Report 1978-79 Commissioner
    for Motor Transport, page 53.

-101-

Traffic is now a problem in many areas. It brings
with it pollution, noise, the threat of accidents,
and severance from one's neighbours. These matters
are dealt with in this Report in the sections
concerned with Social Criteria and Environmental
Criteria.

The lessons have been learned by planners. Residen-
tial developments are now laid out in such a way that
local streets cannot be transformed into makeshift
arterial roads. They are cul-de-sacs or they follow
a circular pattern. They deliberately frustrate the
possibility of their being made a convenient 'short
cut’.

1.3 The Classification of Roads

The road hierarchy (or the functional classification
of roads) is a means of correcting problems which
arise from the grid network. The problems are:

  • through traffic using residential
    streets (and especially truck traffic)
  • shopping centres where there is a
    conflict between:
  • through traffic, and traffic
    using the shopping centre
  • pedestrians and all traffic.

The technique proceeds in three stages. First, roads
are classified according to their primary function.
Secondly, having been classified, steps are taken to
reinforce the primary function and frustrate attempts
to subvert the road to some other use.

Having settled upon a classification and taken steps
towards its implementation, there is a third phase.
It is necessarily long term. It should not be
neglected on the account. It is desirable that the
zoning on the frontage land use on the major arterial
roads should be ‘auto-oriented’. Residential

-102-

development lines a great many arterial roads.
In time, however, that may change. The zoning
ought not to be an inhibition to that change.
Certain residential development which is set back
from the road, which has easy access to the road,
and where the building is so designed that it shields
residents from noise, may also be appropriate.

In the hierarchy of roads a fourfold classification
has been adopted:
  • arterial roads
  • distributor roads
  • collector roads
  • local roads
The following diagram demonstrates the concept (35).

FIGURE 5.




35. Functional Classification of Roads, Traffic
    Authority of New South Wales, page 9.

-103-

The hierarchy can be likened to a tree. There
is the trunk (arterial roads), the limbs (the
distributor roads), the branches (the collector
roads) and the twigs (the local roads). The
following description of each classification is
given by the Traffic Authority (36):

"Arterial roads - predominantly carry
through traffic from one region to
another. They are usually part of
the proclaimed Main Road system,
including highways.

Distributor roads - connect the arterial
roads to areas of development or carry
traffic directly from one part of the
region to another. They may also
relieve traffic on arterial roads
in exceptional circumstances.

Collector roads - connect the distribu-
tor roads to the local road system in
areas of development.

Local roads are the sub-divisional
roads within an area of development.
These are used solely as local access
roads, but traffic volumes and types
of vehicle will depend on the nature
of the development e.g. residential,
commercial, industrial, recreational,
etc."

Classification is necessarily a consultative process.
Local councils not only have a financial interest
in the road system (in that they maintain a substan-
tial part of the metropolitan road network by means
of grants given for that purpose) but they have an
intimacy with an area, and knowledge of the way in
which residents view that area. This is important
in deciding how a particular road should be charac-
terised. Once the classification is made, priorities
to through traffic or access traffic can then be
arranged (36):

"When considering any one section of road
the higher the order of its classification,
the more priority is afforded to the move-
ment of through traffic and, conversely
the lower the order the more priority is
given to access (pedestrians, servicing

36. Ibid., page 10.


-104-

traffic, parking). Distributors and
collectors in existing street systems
usually have to serve both movement
and access functions, often with the
priority varying with the time of day.
Thus parking, for example, may be
prohibited in peak traffic periods
but liberal allowances made to service
land use at other times."

There are a number of traffic management techniques
designed to frustrate the use of local roads by
through traffic. Some are more drastic than others.
Paddington furnishes a good illustration. Recently,
(May 1980) there was an attempt to close Glenmore
Road, Paddington to through traffic. The scheme
was later modified. Stop signs were placed along
the road (and other roads, forming part of a more or
less continuous 'back route’). They provide an
irritant (therefore an inhibition) to the commuter
who seeks a speedy by-pass around the more congested
arterial road.

Another technique widely (and successfully) employed
in Melbourne is the introduction of the mini-roundabout
in local areas. It is a technique, incidentally,
favoured by the Mayor of Strathfield, Alderman C.C.
Edwards, and implemented in that Municipality. The
following also appears in the transcript (37):

"DOBINSON: The other thing we are moving
towards..is to get the Councils to
accept mini-roundabouts.
COMMISSIONER: They have them extensively
in Melbourne.
DOBINSON: Yes.
COMMISSIONER: And it is said very
successfully.
DOBINSON: Yes and in Adelaide.
COMMISSIONER: They do protect the
residential amenity.
DOBINSON: That’s right.
COMMISSIONER: And that is another way in
which one can remove traffic from local
areas, and create precincts.”

37. Transcript Department of Main Roads 12/5/80, page 62.

-105-

1.4 How the Classification is Made

The classification is made by considering the
character of a road and its importance to the
network. The character of the road will depend
upon the frontage land uses. Its importance will
be determined by the characteristics of the road
(in terms of lanes, etc.), the volume of traffic,
and the presence or absence of other convenient
links to serve an arterial function in the near
vicinity. In some cases, perforce, roads which
were never designed to carry arterial traffic are
forced to assume that role because nothing better
is available within a reasonable distance.

The suggested traffic volumes are (38):
  •  arterial roads: over 15,000
    vehicles per day
  • distributor roads: between 5,000
    and 20,000 vehicles per day
  •  collector roads: between 2,000
    and 10,000 vehicles per day
  • local roads: less than 2,000
    vehicles per day.
Certain research suggests that a flow of vehicles
exceeding 16,000 per day induces 'neighbourhood
stress' such that people move to the back of the
house or change suburbs if they have the opportunity (39)
In contrast a similar street carrying 2,000
vehicles per day is regarded by the community as
‘part of its territory' and use was made of it. We
have referred to the spacing of different classes of
road as being a matter relevant to the functional
classification. The Traffic Authority suggests in
the publication ‘Functional Classification of Roads
the following as a general guide:

38. op.cit page 18 (Table II). Functional Classification.
39. Social & Economic Effects of Highways 1974, page 27.

-106-

Between arterials           -  2   km
Between distributors        -  1   km
Between distributor
   and arterial             -  1   km
Between distributor
   and collector            -  0.5 km
Between collectors          -  0.5 km

2. TRUCK ROUTEING

2.1 The Concept of Truck Routeinq

There is a companion concept known as truck routeing.
It recognises that trucks make a greater impact upon
the environment and upon the public mind. It seeks
to confine trucks to a particular designated road
system. Primarily it seeks their exclusion from
residential areas. It seeks their exclusion from
local roads, though it recognises that on occasions
trucks must use local roads to effect delivery or,
in an industrial area, to pick up goods.

The principle is universally applauded. In the
context of containers, the State pollution Control
Commission (when inquiring into the planning
application by Container Terminals Australia
Limited (CTAL)), posed the following question to
the Department of Main Roads (40):

"SPCC: Does the Department (of Main
Roads) consider that through container
truck traffic should be encouraged to
use designated roads, particularly
within municipalities adjacent to Port
Botany, to ensure that associated heavy
vehicle traffic does not use local
roads or cause environmental damage?
DMR: The encouragement of all heavy
vehicle traffic to use designated
roads is consistent with the concept
of a functional road hierarchy. This
concept has the acceptance and active
encouragement of both the Department
and the Traffic Authority, and Councils
(including Botany and Randwick Councils)
are being encouraged to adopt it."

40. Submission DMR to the SPCC responding to SPCC
    letter 9/5/79 (re: Proposed Container Terminal
    of CTAL at Port Botany).

-107-

Notwithstanding the esteem in which this principle
is held, progress is slow. The following was said
in 1976 and the same could be written today (41):

"The development of freight road
networks is overdue in Australian
cities and major research and develop-
ment programmes are warranted on the
basis of both reducing costs of goods
distribution and minimising urban impact."

The State Transport Study Group examined the issue
in 1978 in a publication "Trucks and Through Traffic
Routeinq: Inner City Study Area
" (42), using a
computer model which simulated traffic movements
during the two hour a.m. peak. We will examine
their findings shortly. A member of the study
group commenting upon the study made the following
observation (43):

"Truck routeing is only one solution to
the conflict between trucks and the
environment. It is comparatively
inexpensive to undertake
and has
currency in the Sydney situation."

2.2 What Routes Should the Trucks Follow?

The State Transport Study Group tested a number of
alternative networks. It assessed the performance
of each. It had this to say, for instance, about
confining trucks to the main and secondary roads (44):

"If in the extreme case all five Councils
(in the inner area of Sydney) in the
study area applied and received permission
to close all local roads to every form of
through traffic, it is demonstrable that
the main and secondary road system could
not cope.

41. Rendel & Partners "Ports & Urban Systems" - The
    Study of Sea Ports/Land Use Interaction February
    1976, page 17.
42. UTSG (now STSG), August 1978.
43. R. Leavens "Inner Sydney Truck Route Study"
    Fifth ARTF Forum Papers, page 60.
44. STSG Study ibid., page 5.

-108-
Artificial barriers to meet with travel
demand far in excess of capacity would
be thrown up across the study area. The
same truck trips as in the base case
would take 58% more time and all traffic
would need to use 41% more time. No
possibility for diverting around the
congestion would exist; trip distances
would be less than 2½% longer."

The Group then tested what they termed 'an inter-
mediate road system' in which the main and secon-
dary roads were supplemented by certain strategic
local roads. It said (45):

"It is impossible to believe that a system
with all through traffic on main and
secondary roads would operate without a
terrific uproar and irresistible pressure
to amend it. Rather than scuttling
completely the concept of full traffic
restriction it is possible to apply it
to an intermediate road system."

The result was encouraging (46):

"Road performance under such a scheme
is quite acceptable. The extra roads
offer a greater opportunity for trucks
to divert and minimise the travel time
penalty (they travel 3% further than
in the base case but take less than 2%
more time). Capacity problems cannot
be expected to arise for the same reason
listed above."

The Group stopped short of recommending that the
‘intermediate road network' should be adopted as
a truck network. It emphasised the need for
consultation with Local Councils and residents.

Consultation is obviously important. The New South
Wales Transport Association made the following
comments in evidence before the Inquiry (47):

45. ibid., page 6.
46. ibid., page 5.
47. Transcript New South Wales Road Transport
    Association 18/4/80, page 72.

-109-

"ALCOCK: Mr. Commissioner, we understand
that traffic management is now a fact of
life. We understand also that Transport
Minister, Cox, has made certain suggestions
with regard to traffic management in
Botany Bay which we, too, would regard
as being and we would act responsibly
toward them. We have, however, over the
years, had some problems with unilateral
decisions being taken by Local Councils
to close off certain streets without
consultation with us. This has resulted
in some confrontation between mainly the
Transport Workers' Union and the local
councils. Ashfield comes to mind. So
that our official attitude really is that
traffic management is really necessary,
and perhaps will become more necessary,,
but that our industry should be consulted
and a unilateral decision should not be
made by various statutory bodies without
consideration of the commercial implications.
                          (emphasis added)


Consultations have already taken place with a view
to defining a road hierarchy throughout the
Metropolitan Area. A comprehensive road hierarchy
presupposes truck routes. The progress towards
completion of that hierarchy is necessarily slow
because the consultative process is slow.

The Inquiry, for its part, is far from convinced
that a truck network consisting of main roads and
secondary roads would not function adequately in
the off-peak. The computer simulation techniques
are confined to the two hour a.m. peak. Because
they may demonstrate an inability on the part of
the network to cope with the traffic load during
that period, is no basis for inferring that the
network could not cope if trucks were confined to
main and secondary roads in the off-peak. Yet that
conclusion is invited by the way in which the
findings are expressed.

In the volume concerned with the transportation of
containers (48) the Inquiry has recommended that


48. Volume I Container Report October, 1980, page
    269-273 and page 335.

-110-
consultation should take place between interested
bodies with a view to establishing truck routes
to be used by heavy container vehicles.

3. THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ROAD HIERARCHY

3.1 Piecemeal Implementation

A road hierarchy has not been established in Sydney.
Some Councils have willingly embraced the concept.
Others have not. Mr. Dobinson from the Department-
of Main Roads gives an example (49):

"DOBINSON: To give you the most
successful one, is the Bankstown
Plaza,..but the Department in effect
did all the planning for the traffic
changes in conjunction with the
Council.

We initiated the proposal for re-
planning the traffic arrangements
around the commercial centre at
Hornsby. And here you come to one
of the greatest impediments of
achieving (a hierarchy); and that
is, quite often the Councils are
reluctant to proceed with the
establishment of hierarchies,
generally on the basis of public
pressures, and probably one that is
best known to us all is the Ku-ringai
one, which was carried out by a
consultant in consultation with (the
DMR). He produced a fairly reasonable
type of answer in the interests of
all parties concerned, but the Ku-
ringai Council decided not to adopt
it because of pressures from its local
people."

Later Mr. Dobinson was asked whether there was a
mechanism available by means of which the Department
of Main Roads could resolve an impasse between the
local council and its consultants. Mr Dobinson
responded as follows (50):


49. DMR Transcript 12/5/80, page 33.
50. ibid., page 45.

-111-

"DOBINSON: (The DMR) could appeal the
action to the Traffic Authority
itself - the Commissioners, and they
could direct road closures or one-way
movements or something like that, but
as a matter of practice it doesn't do
this. I think it is wise that it doesn't
because we're dealing with the residen-
tial precinct which is basically, in our
view, the responsibility of the local
council. Now if it is a question of
safety we will butt in. But if it is
a question of residential amenity, we
take the view that is for Council to
resolve amongst its own people."

3.2 The Canterbury Council

The Canterbury Council made an elaborate submission
to the Inquiry. It opposes all Options. Specifically
it rejects the Cooks River Option and the South
Western Option. Those Options are dedicated to
the object of removing traffic from residential
areas (and to certain other objects). The Council
maintains that it can achieve the same objective
by means of a road hierarchy. It says (51):

"COMMISSIONER: So what's being put to
this Inquiry is this, that whereas those
who propose the road put it forward as
something which will draw traffic away
from those residential areas, Council
takes the view that this object can be
achieved in other ways.
 SHEFFIELD: Yes.
COMMISSIONER: By the institution of
the precincts and road hierarchy and
cutting off access to through traffic.

SHEFFIELD: Right."

Mr. Sheffield is the Chief Engineer and Town Planner
of Canterbury Municipal Council.

The strategy adopted by the Canterbury Council, and
described by Mr. Sheffield, gives an indication of
the benefits which can arise from the single-minded
pursuit of such a policy. He says (52):

51. Transcript 2/11/79 Canterbury Municipal Council,
    page 30.
52. Page 30.


-112-
"SHEFFIELD: The Council has adopted a
policy of precinct planning whereby
the municipality is divided into over
100 precincts. Each precinct is now
being examined in turn to determine
whether the street system can be
modified by a system of road closures,
pavement width reductions, and other
traffic management measures to elimi-
nate through traffic and to force that
traffic back onto the arterial roads.

COMMISSIONER: Have the road closures
met with much or any opposition?

SHEFFIELD: In general, they have been
very well supported. I can't think of
any that have been abandoned because
of the volume of public opposition."

3.3 The Opportunity Offered by SCAT

SCAT is an acronym for Sydney Co-ordinated Adaptive
Traffic System. It is a system of co-ordinated
traffic lights which will be controlled by computers.
It is described in the following testimony (53):

"DIMITRIC: The whole of Sydney is divided
into a number of regions and each region,
has a regional computer which looks after
that area. Since the sub-systems are
interconnected, it is necessary to have a
master computer which is able to over-rule
the whole system although it's normal
function is simply to check that the
regional computers are functioning properly.”

The advantages are significant. First, if there is a
breakdown anywhere in the system, the information
is immediately relayed to the computer which takes
appropriate action (54).

"DIMITRIC: The main computer knows
immediately of the problem because
information coming off the loop detectors
in the pavement indicate that there is no
progression through the congested inter-
section. In the case of power failure
the whole system can revert to blinking
lights. "

53. Transcript DMR 8/11/79, page 56.
54. ibid., page 57.

-113-
Secondly, the co-ordination of lights ensures that
traffic flows more smoothly, proceeding more or less
without interruption in platoons through the controlled
intersections. Thirdly, capacity of the intersections
is maximised. In the ordinary course traffic signals
are programmed according to an expected flow. If
there is twice as much traffic proceeding in one
direction as there is cross traffic, the amount of
'green time' for the cross traffic will be adjusted
appropriately. The SCAT system operates by means
of loops set in the pavement which gather and relay
information to a computer. The computer then deter-
mines the actual flow of traffic and cross traffic.
It can carefully adjust the flow in order to
maximise the number of vehicles proceeding through
the intersection.

Fourthly, by this means, and by the smoother flow of
traffic, the road capacity can be increased, at
least in the view of some. The following appears
in the transcript (55):

"DOBINSON: Well the capacity of the road
system in Sydney is largely restricted
by the intersections...
Now, if instead of that, your traffic
entered (the intersection) and goes
straight through..you don't lose that
time at all those intersections, so
this means your route will carry more
traffic through it...

COMMISSIONER: But it actually effects
the capacity of the roads as such?

DOBINSON: Yes it does. Quite markedly."

The scheme has already been implemented in the city
with some success. Ultimately there will be 1,000
intersections, or thereabouts co-ordinated.
Approximately 500 are now co-ordinated. Benefits
will not really arise until the entire system is
in operation, as Mr. Dobinson explains (56):

55. Transcript DM R 12/5/80, page 59-60.
56. Transcript ibid., page 59.


"DOBINSON: Unfortunately 500 signals
under co-ordination or under SCAT
does not mean half your system is
done. It probably means something
like about 10% of the system is done
because unless these all link up in
units, you don't get full co-ordina-
tion. We expect to have about 75%
of the system in operation by mid
1981."


We, as motorists, have all had the experience of
watching traffic divert from a road in response
to a congested intersection, and the prospect of a
prolonged wait. There are individuals well known
to all of us who take the most tortuous paths in
order to avoid a red light. The philosophy
encapsulated in ‘as long as it moves, it’s okay’ (57)
is familiar to all motorists. SCAT has a
particular appeal to such individuals because it
will make the arterial roads much more attractive.
Again Mr. Dobinson explains (58):

"DOBINSON: ..In fact what will happen
is that almost immediately traffic will
find - and this has happened already -
it is better to stay on the arterial
system than to use all those back by-
passes that it was using and think it
was getting somewhere but wasn't. It
becomes too apparent. So they come off
those side streets."

SCAT will therefore present an opportunity to
implement a road hierarchy in which the option of
using side streets is, in some cases, closed
forever. The following appears in the transcript (59):

"COMMISSIONER: And doesn’t this offer
an opportunity, in conjunction with
the hierarchy, to take advantage of
the fact that traffic should be
removed from residential streets
(which should then be) redeclared,
if you like, as residential streets?

DOBINSON: Most definitely.

57. UTSG (now STSG) Truck and Through Traffic
    Routing: Inner Sydney Study Area, page 22.
58. Transcript ibid., page 60.
59. Transcript ibid., page 61.

-115-
COMMISSIONER: So it is very important
that SCAT does proceed hand-in-hand
with the development of the hierarchy?

DOBINSON: Yes. SCAT reinforces the
top level of the hierarchy, and has
the options to do something about the
low level by relieving the street
system.”

3.4 Should the Hierarchy Be Developed Before any
    Commitment to a Major Road Project?

The Department of Main Roads (and the Planning and
Environment Commission) diagnosed a number of
traffic problems. They included congestion at
certain intersections, the conflict created by
traffic passing through shopping centres, and the
infiltration of traffic (and especially truck
traffic) into residential areas because of the
inadequacies of the arterial road system. The
options were assessed for their ability to deal
with these problems.

If there are less drastic measures available which
can achieve the same result, should they not first
be tried? The question was put to various parties
and received a different response.

The question was put to Mr. Camkin from the Traffic
Authority (60):

"COMMISSIONER: Until one has gone through
the exercise of defining the hierarchy,
and explored the possibilities of maximi-
sing benefits through the hierarchy, is
it not difficult to say that there is a
certain deficiency within the system such
as to require a particular link?

CAMKIN: It would be a matter of scale,
an I think that in the matter facing
this Inquiry, the scale is such that it
is fairly evident to a transport planner
or a traffic planner that there is a need
for additional capacity notwithstanding
that we haven’t fully refined the existing
system."

60. Transcript Traffic Authority of New South Wales,
    8/5/80, page 13.

- 116-

Mr. Dobinson from the Department of Main Roads (61)
took a slightly different view, preferring the
consideration of various techniques, of which the
establishment of a road hierarchy was one, before
any commitment to a large and expensive project,
such as the major options before this Inquiry.
Later in this Section we will deal with how
priorities should be fixed and whether the so-called
‘soft options' (including road hierarchy) should
first be tested, and seen to fail, before resorting
to more ambitious measures, such as the construction
of a major arterial road.

61. See Transcript DMR, 12/5/80, pages 46-47 and 64.